This copy typed by Alan R. Scott Jan - Dec 2000 and proofed by Carol A. Scott Dec 2000, both descendents of James Fontaine. A printed copy is available from the Fontaine Maury Society http://home.att.net/~fm.society/index.html . Return to Stith Valley home page.
A
TALE OF THE HUGUENOTS
OR
MEMOIRS OF A
FRENCH REFUGEE FAMILY
TRANSLATED AND COMPILED FROM THE
ORINGINAL MANUSCRIPTS
OF
JAMES FONTAINE,
BY
ONE OF HIS DESCENDANTS.
WITH AN INTRODUCTION
BY
F.L. HAWKES, D. D.
Showing to the generations to come the praises of the Lord, and his strength, that they
should make them known to their children; That they might set their hope in God, and
not forget the works of God, but keep his commandments.--Psalm 78.
NEW YORK:
JOHN S. TAYLOR,
THEOLOGICAL AND SUNDAY SCHOOL BOOKSELLER,
Corner of Park Row and Spruce Street.
.......
1838.
ENTERED
According to Act of Congress, in the year 1838. by
JOHN S. TAYLOR,
In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the Southem District of
NEW YORK
DEDICATION.
To the two thousand descendants of the exemplary Christian whose eventful life forms the
chief subject of the following pages, and who are now living in the United Sates of
America, this work is affectionately inscribed by their kinswoman.
INTRODUCTION.
The history of the little work now in the reader's hands, is briefly this. Among the
private documents, belonging to one of the most respectable families under the parochial
charge of the present writer, there has long been preserved, with pious care, a manuscript
autobiography of one of its ancestors, who, as a persecuted Huguenot, endured much for the
sake of his faith. It was the labour of his latter days to prepare for his descendants the
record alluded to, as a memorial of his gratitude for the Providence that had sustained
him in many dangers and trials, and as an admonition to his posterity to adhere to the
faith for which their forefathers hazarded life. The work, which extended to several
hundred pages, was written in the French language, and without any view to publication.
In the friendly confidence growing out of parochial relations, the
existence of this manuscript became known to the writer of this introduction. Curiosity
led to its examination; the strange and interesting nature of the incidents it recorded,
related as they were with unpretending simplicity, soon fixed his attention. It struck him
as being a vivid picture of by-gone times sketched by an honest eye witness; and the page
of past history thus illustrated was not the least interesting in the records of
Protestantism.
There was also, as it seemed to the writer, many an useful lesson to be
gathered from the leading
INTRODUCTION vi
events of the story. Independent of the spirit of piety that pervaded the book, and
of the testimony it afforded to the doctrine of God's providential care of the christian,
who in humble faith cast all his care upon Him, there were valuable lessons of wisdom,
applicable to "the life that now is;" and it was thought that youth might here
find an example worthy of its imitation.
Here was the spectacle of a man, accustomed in his early days to the
enjoyments of a competent estate, and educated accordingly, who, for conscience sake,
resisting the oppression and persecution of himself and his countrymen with indomitable
courage, was, at last stripped of all, and obliged to abandon his country. An exile in a
strange land, ignorant of its language, unaccustomed to manual labour, and with the
refinement of feeling belonging to his education and former rank in society; he felt that
he was thrown upon his energies as a man, and nobly girding himself to the work before
him, he trusted in his Maker, and proved that if true to God and true to himself, man need
never despair.
He who had enjoyed the case of affluence, and found occupation and
delight in the pursuit of letters, accommodating himself to his altered situation becomes
an artizan and works at his trade; and soon by his science, observation and industry,
distances all his companions of the same craft. Persecuted out of his calling, because he
had been guilty of success in it; with a perseverance accustomed to remove obstacles, he
finds another occupation, and again directing all his faculties to his business, he again
succeeds. More than once losing his all, he yet never desponds, but sets about retrieving
his losses with the willing industry of one who never knew a reverse of
INTRODUCTION
vii
fortune. In the midst of all this, he finds time to train his family in the fear of God,
devises means to educate them for respectable callings, and lives to see some of them
among the first and most esteemed ministers of the Gospel in Virginia.
The example of such a man is surely a lesson for youth. Now a scholar,
and now a manufacturer; now a civilian, and now a soldier, he may be seen, at one time
enjoying letters, and at another, labouring with his hands for bread; on one day he will
be found asserting the rights of the oppressed before the courts of the oppressors; and on
another he is withstanding a siege. In all situations, he bears himself with the noble
spirit that becomes a man for he never loses his great trust in God, nor his proper
confidence in himself.
It has been remarked more than once that this country has never had
better citizens in it than the Huguenots and their descendants. The instances are rare
indeed in which one of that stock, has been charged with crime before the tribunals of the
land. The descendants of the man, a sketch of whose biography is in the reader's hands,
only confirm the truth of these observations. Many hundreds of them are now among our
countrymen. Some of them have been, some now are, clergymen of worth and usefulness, some
have been at the bar, some in the halls of legislation, some in important public offices
and we have yet to learn the name of that one who has disgraced himself, his ancestry, or
his country.
These, and kindred reflections passing through the writer's mind
induced him to believe that extracts might be made front the manuscript before him, worthy
of publication, and he made a suggestion to one of the members of the family to prepare
the work.
INTRODUCTION
viii
In proposing the measure, he had in view chiefly the benefit of the young, though he
thought the book would have interest for all. His suggestion was adopted, upon the
condition that he would explain the circumstances connected with the publication, and
would assure its readers of the authenticity of the story. Having done the first, he has
only to state further that it is a veritable narrative, and as such has long been
preserved in the family of one of our worthiest countrymen. If in its perusal, some of the
events related should appear to others, as they did to the writer, of an unusual
character, let it be remembered that their truth makes their strangeness more striking
still; and serves to show that real life sometimes imbodies adventures, little, if at all,
inferior to those found on the pages of fictitious narrative.
Rectory of St. Thomas N.Y.}
F.L. Hawks.
August, 1st. 1838
}
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER I.
Reasons for writing these memoirs--Noble origin of our family--John de la Fontaine
born--Obtains a commission in the household of Francis I.--Embraces
Protestantism--Persecution of Protestants--January Edict--John de la Fontaine
resigns his commission--His assassination--Flight of his three sons--Arrival
at Rochelle--Charitable reception--Marriage of James de la Fontaine--Attempt to poison
him--Application for pardon to Henry IV.
13
CHAPTER II
James Fontaine--Fond of study--Travels as tutor to a young nobleman--Called to the
churches of Vaux and Royan--Marries an English lady--Second marriage--His personal
appearance--Habit--Labors in the ministry--Capuchins and Jesuits come to hear him
preach--Summoned to appear before the governor for preaching on the ruins of the Church--A
second summons--Anticipation of future persecution--Death.
25
CHAPTER III.
My birth--Lameness--Imitation of my fathers prayers--Meditations upon the heavenly
bodies--Sent to school--Disgusted with study--Letter to sister--Mr. de la
Bussiere--Admirable preceptor--Eccentric man--Enter college--Take degree of Master of
Arts--My mother's death--Division of property.
32
CHAPTER IV
Study with Mr. Forestier--His persecutions--His wife's firmnes--Return home--Pray with
neighbors--Leave the neighbourhood at Easter--Poor people assemble in the
CONTENTS.
x
woods--A spy watches them--Warrants issued--A mason taken up--He recants--His
repentance--My return home--Warrant against me--Determine to remain and wait the
issue--Grand Provost and archers appear--Conducted to prison--Obtain permission to pray
night and morning in prison.
40
CHAPTER V
Provost and archers make another tour--Firmness of the poor country people--Twenty brought
to prison--Supplied with necessaries by Protestants of Saintes--Attempt to shake their
faith--Precaution in anticipation of separation--Indictment against
me--Confrontation--Recollement--Examination of witnesses--Agoust--Two
criminals--Gaoler--Gaoler's wife--Apply to the seneschal for enlagement--Accusation of
King's advocate--Placed in a dungeon--Removed to the Town Hall-- Proposal to regain
freedom by bribery.
55
CHAPTER VI.
Trial before the Presidency--A digression--My defence--Angry discussion with the
President--Query--My reply--Sentence.
71
CHAPTER VII.
Appeal to Parliament--Copy of factum--President's observation upon it--Sentence
reverse--Register refuses copy of the decree--Apply for redress--Return home.
80
CHAPTER VIII.
Persecution of 1685--Meeting of ministers and elders--My opinion opposed to the
majority--Meeting of Protestants at Royan--Mr. Certani dissuades numbers from
emigration--Interview with him--Gloomy forebodings--Departure of many persons--Dragoons
appear--Leave home--Visit
CONTENTS. xi
sisters--Traverse the country--Place betrothed in safety.
90
CHAPTER IX.
Revocation of Edict of Nantes--Preparations for flight--Difficulties and dangers--Land in
England--Cheap bread--Speculate in grain--Cruelty of a ship Captain.
105
CHAPTER X
Singular proposal from a lady--Marriage--Mode of living--Remove to Bridgwater--Assistance
from Committee--Why discontinued--Application for relief--Unkind treatment--Receive Holy
Orders-- Attempt to recover property in France.
121
CHAPTER XI.
Remove to Taunton--Keep a shop--Manufactory--Very prosperous--Summoned before the
Mayor--Defence--Recorder's speech--Discharge.
137
CHAPTER XII
Revolution of 1688--Landing of the Dutch--Unexpected visitor--Soldiers billeted upon
me--Retire from business--Endeavour to make calimancoes--Profit upon them--Instruct a
crippled weaver-- Secret discovered--Visit Dublin and Cork--Shipwreck--Place sons in
Holland--Increase of
family.
148
CHAPTER XIII.
Arrival at Cork--Enter upon pastoral duties--Manufactory--Great happiness--Dissension in
the church--Resignation--Copy of certificate--Remarkable warning by a dream--Visit fishing
stations-- Death of Aaron--Turn fisherman--Remove to Bear Haven--Loss of the Robert--Bad
season-- Trading voyage--Success in fishing--Loss by
CONTENTS.
xii
mismanagement of partners--Troublesome Irish neighbours.
164
CHAPTER XIV.
Attacked by a French Privateer--Defence--Letter to the Duke of Ormond--Ammunition
furnished by government--Build a small fort--Visit Dublin--London--Obtain a pension--Copy
of warrant-- Return home.
191
CHAPTER XV.
Attacked by a second Privateer--Outhouses fired--Breach in the
wall--Wounded--Surrender--Carried away as a prisoner--Expostulate with
captain--Ransomed--Peter left as a hostage--His deportment.
210
CHAPTER XVI.
Affidavit before Magistrates--Retaliation on French prisoners--Removal to Dublin--Hire a
haunted house--Claim compensation from the county of Cork--Disturbance in haunted
house--School-- Education of children--Peter goes to College--John obtains a commission in
the army--Moses and Francis enter college--Moses studies law--Emigration to
America--Marriage of children--My wife's death--Failure of health--Conclusion.
233
TALE OF
THE
HUGUENOTS
---------.
Reasons for writing these memoirs--Noble origin of our family--John de la Fontaine born--Obtains a commission in the household of Francis I.--Embraces Protestantism--Persecution of Protestants-- January Edict--John de la Fontaine resigns his commission--His assassination--Flight of his three sons--Arrival at Rochelle--Charitable reception--Marriage of James de la Fontaine--Attempt to poison him--Application for pardon to Henry IV.
My dear children,
Having observed the deep interest you have taken in all that has befallen your ancestors,
when I have related their adventures to you, I am induced to write down their history for
your use, to the end that the pious examples of those from whom we derive our origin may
not be lost to you, or those who succeed you.
2
14
A TALE OF
I trust that it may be the means of engaging you to
dedicate yourselves wholly and unreservedly to the service of that God whom they
worshipped at the risk of their lives, and to be stedfast in the profession of that pure
faith for which they suffered the severest hardships with unshaken constancy. And also
that you may admire the watchful and wonderful providences of God exerted in supporting
and preserving them through every trial. Indeed, without looking beyond the compass of
your own memories, you may recall numberless instances of the providential care of that
same God "whose hand is not shortened."
For my own part, I trust that the making of this retrospect may be
attended with great benefit, bringing before me the frailties and sins of each age and
condition of my past life, and making me humble myself before the throne of grace, and
with trembling pray for pardon through the mediation of my Blessed Saviour: and by the
assistance of the Holy Spirit, I may hope for more watchfulness and circumspection for the
time to come. And when I review the uncommon, innumerable, and unmerited mercies I have
received through the whole course of my life, I hope my gratitude will be increased
towards my Almighty benefactor, and surely I shall be encouraged to put my whole trust in
him for the future. If I
THE HUGUENOTS
15
owe such a debt of gratitude for the things of this life, its comforts and conveniences,
how incalculably great must it be for his mercy to my immortal soul, shedding the blood of
his only begotten Son for my redemption. Oh my God! I entreat thee to continue thy
goodness during the few days that may yet remain to me, and at last receive my soul. Amen.
Before proceeding to the history, I should mention that our name was
originally De la Fontaine, and not Fontaine. My father, from motives of humility was
the first to cut off the De la, an indication of nobility; my older brothers wished to
resume it, but he would not consent, having a large family and little property; for you
must know that in France no one of noble family can engage in trade or the mechanic arts
without forfeiting his claim to nobility.
The father of my great grandfather, who was a nobleman, could not bear
the thought of bringing up his children without employment, according to the usual custom,
and therefore placed his son in the King's service.
It is with this John De la Fontaine that I commence these annals, he
being the first of whom I hare any accurate knowledge.
He was born in the province of Maine, about the
16
A TALE OF
year 1500, and as soon as he was old enough to bear arms, his father procured him a
commission in what was then called "Les ordonnances du Roi" in the household of
Francis I. It was in the tenth or twelfth year of this monarch's reign that he entered his
service, and he conducted himself so honourably and uprightly, that even after his father
and himself had embraced Protestantism at its first preaching in 1535, he remained in the
same situation, and continued there during the reigns of Henry II., Francis II., and until
the second year of Charles IX. He married, and had at least four sons, when he
retired from a service in which he had remained so long, only as a sort of safe-guard from
persecution. The king's officers were protected by right of their office; and our
ancestor, it would appear, was much beloved by all his Juniors in the service, which made
the Roman Catholic party afraid to meddle with him, though at the same time they thirsted
for his blood, not only on account of his exemplary piety, but of the exercise of a power
his office conferred upon him, and which he had freely used, of assisting the poor
Protestants, many of whom he had shielded from persecution.
From the year 1534 to April 1598, when Henry IV. granted the edict of
Nantes, the professors of the
THE HUGUENOTS
17
pure faith were continually subjected to every variety of injustice and cruelty, as you
have read in the history of France.*
* Open hostilities were occasioned by an event which occurred at the little town of Vassy, in Champagne, in the year 1562. The Protestants were engaged in prayer outside the walls, in conformity with the king's edict, when the Duke of Guise approached. Some of his suit insulted the worshippers, and from insults they proceeded to blows, and the Duke himself was accidentally wounded in the cheek. The sight of his blood enraged his followers, and a geraral massacre of the inhabitants of Vassy ensued; the report of this roused the suffering Huguenots throughout the kingdom, and a savage and bloody war followed, during which, Anthony of Bourbon, king of Navarre fell fighting in the Catholic ranks, leaving a son eight years old, the future Henry IV., that great supporter of the Protestant cause. The constable Montmorency was taken prisoner, and the Duke of Guise slain; thus the Catholics were without a leader. The Prince of Conde being also a prisoner, and the Protestant Coligny the only chief remaining on either side, an accommodation appeared indispensable, and in March, 1563 an edict was granted which allowed the Huguenots to worship within the towns they were possessed of up to that day. This permission led some of the Bishops and other clergy who had embraced Protestantism, to celebrate divine worship in the cathedrals, according to the rites of the Reformed Church; such an extension of the meaning of the edict had never been contemplated, and it was soon modified by a declaration that ancient cathedrals should in no case be used as Protestant churches.
2*
18
A TALE OF
These persecutions were carried on with some of the
forms of law, the gallows were erected and the fires were kindled, not to support the law,
but in
*Another edict was passed very shortly, which imposed greater
restrictions, and the Huguenots, finding that they were likely to lose by edicts all that
they had wrested from the king by the sword, prepared to take up arms again, and in, l567
another struggle commenced, which, with a very short interval of peace, lasted until 1570,
when a treaty was concluded upon terms so favourable to the Huguenots as to excite some
suspicion in their minds that all was not right. They were to have liberty of conscience,
and their worship was allowed in all the towns they had held during the war, and they were
permitted to retain and garrison Rochelle, Montauban, Cognac, and La Charite, as
guaranties for the observance of the treaty.
All had now the appearance of peace, but it was the delusive calm which
precedes a storm; vengeance was preparing, and the massacre of St. Bartholomew's day
followed, with all its horrors, which are too well known to need repetition. The number of
Huguenots slaughtered, has been estimated at 50,000, those who survived were for a moment
paralysed by the blow, and the Catholics themselves seemed stupified with shame and
remorse. Charles was as one struck by avenging retribution, he became restless, sullen,
and dejected, and laboured under a slow fever to the day of his death. He tried to excuse
his perfidy on the plea of its having been necessary for self-preservation, and he sent
instructions to his ambassador in England to give such an explanation to queen Elizabeth.
Hume speaking of this interview, says, "Nothing
THE HUGUENOTS.
19
order to extinguish, if possible, the very name of Protestant. The means adopted, however,
had frequent-
could be more awful and affecting than his audience.
A melancholy sorrow sat on every face: silence as in the dead of night, reigned
through all the chambers of the royal apartment; the courtiers and ladies clad in deep
mourning were ranged on each side, and allowed him to pass without affording him one
salute or favourable look, till he was admitted to the queen herself."
The lives of the young Prince of Conde and Henry of
Navarre had been spared, on condition of becoming Catholics, a condition to which they
merely pretended to accede, as both attempted to escape from Paris immediately afterwards;
Conde alone was successful, and placed himself at the head of the Huguenots; and
this sect which Charles had hoped to exterminate at one blow soon mustered an army of
18,000 men, and they had kept possession of Rochelle and Montauban, besides many castles,
fortresses, and smaller towns. Thus Charles, and Catherine his mother, gained nothing by
their infamous treachery, but a character for perfidy and cruelty which has been
unequalled in the annals of history.
After the death of Charles IX. the
condition of the Huguenots was ever changing; they were frequently in the field, and when
successful obtained favourable edicts, which were broken as soon as they laid down their
arms, and then they would resume them, and fight until their success gained fresh
concessions.
In 1576 the Catholic League was
formed, having for its main object the exclusion from the throne of France of Henry
20 A TALE OF
ly an opposite effect and increased the followers of the true faith The martyrs by their
constancy, proved, in many cases, the instruments which God made use of to open the eyes
of the papists, and it was no uncommon occurrence to see those who had aided in the
destruction of others rush to the same martyrdom themselves.
In some provinces, the Protestants irritated beyond
endurance took up arms, not against their monarch, but their persecutors; and this led to
an Edict of Pacification, granted on the 17th of Janua-
of Narvarre, who was next heir to Henry III., the reigning monarch. War was carried on between the League and the Huguenots until 1594, five years after the death of Henry III., when Henry IV. from motives of policy united himself to the Catholic Church and was thereupon generally recognized as the legitimate monarch. He still felt favourably disposed towards his old friends, and in 1598 granted the celebrated edict of Nantes, which allowed them to worship in freedom in all towns where their creed was the prevailing one. They were to pay the regular tithe to the established Church but were permitted to raise money for their own clergy, and to hold meetings of their representatives for church-governmcnt. In all law suits Protestants were to have the privilege of one half the judges being of their own faith, and several towns were left in their possession for a limited time as a surety. The parliament objected to registering this edict, but the king was resolute, and finally overcame their obstinacy.
HUGUENOTS
21
ry 1562, commonly called the January Edict,* Charles IX. being yet in his minority. The Protestants believing this to be in good faith very generally laid down their arms; and John De la Fontaine resigned his commission, seeing himself now protected by law in the exercise of his religion, he felt that he had no more occasion for his military profession than for a buckler in time of profound peace. He made a great mistake in arriving at this conclusion; the change was decidedly for the worse; whereas, heretofore proceedings had been open, and with a shadow of justice founded upon the king's proclamation against Heretics, now all was secret, no use was made of judge or prison, every miserable wretch who pleased, became at once judge and executioner. Armed miscreants broke into the houses of the Protestants at midnight, committing robbery and murder, and they were encouraged in their atrocities by priests, monks, and bigots, who made them much the same promise that the Sanhedrin of Jerusalem did to the city watch. "If this comes to the governor's ears, we will persuade him and secure you." No enquiry or examination was ever made into these
*The famous January edict granted tolerance to the Huguenots so far as to permit them to assemble outside the walls of towns.
22 A TALE OF
acts, and thus the Protestants were again obliged to resort to arms to repel nocturnal
insult, guard and treachery.
Some of the sworn enemies of God and his Gospel who had long watched
John De la Fontaine, and conceived a deep hatred against him, thought the time had now
arrived, (he having laid down his commission,) when they might safely put him out of the
way; and such a man being got rid of, that it would be comparatively easy to disperse the
rest of the congregation to which he belonged.
It was in the year 1563 that some of these ruffians were despatched
from the city of Le Mans in search of him; and in the night time, when he least expected
such a fate, he was dragged out of doors and his throat cut; his wife within a few weeks
of her confinement, had followed him, hoping by her entreaties to save his life, but she
shared the same fate, as did also a valet, who strove to assist his master. Oh my
children! let us never forget that the blood of martyrs flows in our veins! And God in his
infinite mercy grant that the remembrance may enliven our faith, so that we prove not
unworthy scions from so noble a stock.
The goodness of God, whose providence generally bestows especial
favours upon the children of those who freely shed their blood in his service, pre-
THE HUGUENOTS 23
served the lives of three sons of these glorious martyrs.
James De la Fontaine, my grandfather, then about thirteen or fourteen
years old, with Abraham, two years his junior, and another brother still younger, deaf
from the bloody scene, full of horror and consternation, without a guide save the
providence of God, and no aim but to get as far as possible from the barbarians, who had
in one moment deprived them of both father and mother. They did not stop until they
reached Rochelle, then a very safe place for Protestants, containing as it did, within its
walls, many faithful servants of the living God. These poor lads were actually begging
their bread when they arrived there, and were without any recommendation but their
appearance. They were fair and handsome, as I have been told; and appeared to have had
good breeding. Some of the inhabitants were moved with compassion, and gave them food and
shelter for the little services they were capable of performing. A charitable shoemaker,
who feared God and was in easy circumstances, received James into his house, and into his
affections also, and taught him his trade. This you will observe was no time for pride, or
to stand upon titles to nobility, but rather to return thanks to God who had given him the
power to earn his bread by the labor of his hands. It was not long
A TALE OF 24
before he was in receipt of sufficient wages to support his younger brothers. They all
three lived poorly enough, until James reached manhood; he then entered upon commercial
pursuits, and his career afterwards was comparatively prosperous. In the year 1603 he
married, and had two daughters and one son, (my father,) who was named James, after
himself. He married again, but had no addition to his family; and better would it have
been for him had he remained a widower, for his last wife attempted to poison him, and
though unsuccessful, medical aid being promptly obtained, the affair became too notorious
to be hushed up, and she was carried to prison, tried, and condemned to death. It so
happened that Henry IV. was then at Rochelle, and application was made to him for a
pardon; he said before he granted it he must see the husband she had been so anxious to
get rid of, (I suppose to judge from his appearance whether there was any excuse for her,)
and when my grandfather appeared before him, he cried out, " Let her be hanged, let
her be hanged, ventre saint gris!* he is the handsomest man in my kingdom." I have
seen his picture, and it certainly did represent him as a handsome man. He died in the
year 1633, and left his family some 9000 livres.
* The accustomed oath of Henry IV.
THE HUGUENOTS 25
CHAPTER II.
James Fontaine--Fond of study--Travels as tutor to a young nobleman--Called to the
churches of Vaux and Royan--Marries an English lady--Second marriage--His personal
appearance-- Habits--Labors in the ministry--Capuchins and Jesuits come to hear him
preach--Summoned to appear before the governor for preaching on the ruins of the church--A
second summons--Anticipation of future persecution --Death.
I now proceed to my own father, who at an early age discovered great aptitude for study,
and a very serious turn of mind. He was fortunate in gaining the friendship of Mr. Merlin,
a minister at Rochelle, and this worthy servant of God assisted him greatly in his
education, and recommended him as tutor to a near relation of the Countess of Royan, in
which station he accompanied his pupil to the College of Saumur, and while superintending
his studies there, completed his own preparation for the ministry.
Before entering on the sacred office, he travelled with this youth
through various countries, and thus had the opportunity of acquiring several foreign
languages in perfection. They made a long stay in London, and there my father fell in love
with a very beautiful girl of the name of Thompson. She was of
3
A TALE OF 26
good family, well educated, spoke the French language with fluency, and played well on the
spinette. They exchanged vows and portraits, and he returned to France with his young
lord.
No sooner had he arrived than he received a call from the united
churches of Vaux and Royan, and he vas settled there by the authority of the synod; and
from the very first he was most tenderly beloved by his charge. At the end of a year, he
asked and obtained permission to go to London, to fetch her who had all this time held his
heart captive, and who was herself faithfully waiting for him. They were married in the
year 1628, my father being about twenty-five years of age. They lived together twelve
years, and had several children.
In about a year after her death, my father married my mother, Mary
Chaillon, of Rue au Roy, a village about a mile and a half distant from the town of Pons,
in Saintonge. She was a handsome brunette, twelve years younger than her husband, and had
a fortune of four thousand francs. During the life of his first wife, my father had lived
in a small, inconvenient, ready- furnished house in the borough of Vaux. After his second
mairrage, he was persuaded by my mother to purchase a pretty little estate called
Jenouille, and the manor of Jaffe near to it; he added some commodious apartments to
THE HUGUENOTS 27
the house, and made it a very comfortable and desirable residence.. I wits the youngest
child of my parents, and have but little personal recollection of my father, being only
eight years old when he died. He was a man of fine figure, clear complexion, pure red and
white, and of so dignified a deportment that he commanded the respect of all with whom he
came in contact. He was remarkably abstemious, living chiefly upon milk and vegetables
until the decline of life, when, by the advice of his physician he went upon a more
generous diet. He absented himself on festive occasions, but never failed to visit every
family in his flock twice a year. The sick and afflicted were attended to as soon as their
affliction was made known to him. When it was understood that he was praying with
the sick, crowds would flock to hear him, filling the house; for you must know that in
that district all were Protestants, save four or five families. He was most zealous and
affectionate, and employed all his knowledge, his talents, and his studies in the service
of God, and it was most gratifying to him to find his labors thus appreciated by his
flock. He had great learning, quick and ready wit, clear and sonorous voice, natural and
agreeable action, and he always made use of the most chaste and elegant language; and
genuine humility crowning
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the whole, gave such a charm to his discourses that he delighted all who heard him.
I must mention an instance illustrative of his facility in preaching.
On the afternoon of a communion Sunday, just after reading his text, which had been
selected with reference to the services of the morning, he perceived some Capuchins and
Jesuits entering the church; he pause--and addressing himself to his own people, he said,
that the text he had at first taken was intended for the edification of those who, by the
grace of God, were already well informed in the pure religion, but as these people were
still in ignorance and superstition, he felt it a duty to leave the ninety and nine sheep,
and endeavor to bring back the lost sheep to the fold. He then opened his Bible, and read
a controversial text, and treated the subject with so much force and perspicuity, that the
fathers were obliged to confess, on going out, that they never heard error (as they called
it) so well defended.
When there was any difference between pastor and flock, he was usually
the person appointed by the synod to go and endearour to heal the breach, and he was
almost always successful, softening the hearts, and drawing tears from the eyes, of his
auditors.
He was invited to take charge of the church at
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29
Rochelle, where the minister's salary was just twice as large as that which he received.
He refused, for he had not the heart to abandon a flock by whom he was so tenderly
beloved.
I have mentioned that he was pastor of the united churches of Vaux and
Royan; and at the commencement of his ministry he preached in one church in the morning,
and the other in the afternoon alternately, the distance between them being two short
miles. After a time the church at Royan was pulled down, in conformity with an order in
council, and my father persisted in preaching on the ruins. The governor was enraged when
he heard of it, and summoned him to appear before him. My father defended himself on the
plea of ancient privileges and liberties; to which the governor made answer, that he knew
of no privilege or liberty to which a subject was entitled but such as had been granted to
him by the king, the council, or the ancient laws, and that he had ascertained that this
church had been erected without permission, (which was very true,) and therefore as its
building had been an act of usurpation, its demolition could not be regarded as an
arbitrary stretch of power, and surely there was no great hardship in his followers at
Royan having the trouble to walk over to Vaux to hear him. This was unanswerable, so of
course he had to acquiesce.
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Soon after this, there was another order in council forbidding
Protestant ministers to appear in their clerical robes in the streets; my father felt this
as an indignity, and continued wearing his as heretofore. For this offence he was summoned
a second time to appear before the governor. He went in his gown, and it so happened that
the governor's wife was present at the examination, and she was so forcibly touched with
the dignity and eloquence of his defence, that she persuaded her husband to permit him to
continue wearing a garb to which he did so much honor.
Little vexatious trials of this sort perpetually occurring, led him to
believe that a more serious persecution was not far distant, and he exerted all his
energies to prepare his flock beforehand, that they might not fail when the day of trial
should come. His instructions were most assuredly accompanied by the blessing of God, for,
though his death took place full eighteen years before the great persecution, yet the
influence he had exerted over his people lived after him, and there were very few parishes
in which so large a proportion of the inhabitants left their homes as in Vaux and Royan,
and I have reason to believe that of those who remained behind, many worshipped God in
sincerity around their family altars, according to the true faith.
THE HUGUENOTS 31
My father was as skilful in the ruling of his own household as of the
church over which God had placed him. His favorite recreation was gardening, and it
was in coming out of his garden in the year 1666 that he was seized with a fit of
apoplexy, which proved fatal. You may well imagine how deeply and sincerely he was
regretted by all, but I think to myself, though at the time unconscious of my loss, it was
the most serious. Had it pleased the Almighty to prolong his days, what a guide and
instructor be would have been to my youth!
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32
CHAPTER III.
My birth--Lameness--Imitation of my father's prayers--Meditations upon the heavenly
bodies--Sent to school--Disgusted with study--Letter to sister--Mr. De la
Bussiere--Admirable preceptor--Eccentric man--Enter college--Take degree of master of
arts--My mother's death--Division of property.
I HAVE NOW arrived at the history of my own life, which I shall give more in detail, as
being more immediately interesting to you than those which have preceded it; and you will
find a tissue of adventures, checquered with extremes of prosperity and adversity, hut
amidst all its varied joys and sorrows you cannot fail to discern the hand of Almighty
God, whose good providence may be distinctly traced watching over me and making all things
work together for my ultimate advantage.
I was born at Jenouille, on the 7th April, 1658. The first disaster which befell me
proceeded from the carelessness of my nurse; she trusted me to her daughter, a young, and
giddy girl, who played with me, tossing me in the air and catching me in her arms, until
at last she missed, and I fell to the ground and broke my leg. The nurse, afraid to inform
my parents, took me to an ignoramus of a surgeon, who
THE HUGUENOTS 33
pronounced that no harm had been done. The result to me has been lameness for life, my
right leg being shorter, thinner, and much weaker than the other. I inherited something of
the family beauty of face, and was of a very lively and inventive turn. When only four
years old, I was so taken with my father's reading of the Scriptures, and praying with the
family, that I had a fancy to imitate him, and calling together the servants and my
sisters, I made them kneel down while I prayed. They gave my father such an account that
he had a curiosity to be present also; I would not proceed unless he knelt down with the
rest; and my mother has since told me that he was much affected by the earnestness of my
manner, and discovering, as he thought, the germ of future talent and piety, he himself
prayed heartily to God to preserve and bless one who evinced a zeal unusual among
children. I was younger by seven years than any of my brothers and sisters, and this
circumstance occasioned my being left much to myself, and I used to reflect a great deal;
and some of my meditations in childhood being a little remarkable, I will not pass them
by. You must bear in mind that my knowledge was derived from no book save the Holy
Scriptures, which I heard my father read daily. I beheld the glorious sun arise each
morning to renew our joys and pleasures, and every night
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34
thousands of stars enamelled the the vault our heads; I also noticed another beautiful
luminary, which day by day decreased, and again returned to its first glory by the same
degrees. Now I knew from the Scriptures that God inhabited a light which no man could
approach unto; and that he dwelt in the third heaven, to which St. Paul had been caught
up. I concluded thence that his dwelling place was above the sun, moon. and stars, and
that in order to hold him and the celestial court, consisting, as I understood, of an
infinite number of angels and glorified saints. I imagined the floor of the third heaven
must be of a solid and opaque substance, and the dwelling place of God all resplendent
with the light that his glory diffused around him. I concluded that what we saw of the
sun, (beauteous as it is) was but a hole in the ceiling of the second and floor of the
third heaven, which illuminated us with a faint gleam of that light which shone fully upon
the angels and, saints. As to the stars, they were only so many gimblet holes in that part
which was opposite to, the sun and most distant from the throne of God. The moon, too, I
supposed to be a hole nearly as large as the sun, but situated, like the stars, away from
the immediate presence of God. As to her changes, they gave me no trouble. for taking the
lid of a pot and sliding it over the top produced exactly the same
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35
varied form, and I left the angels of God to slide the round cover over the round hole of
the moon according as they they bidden. My only difficulty was to find out how the heavens
could turn round without shaking the foundations or pillars upon which David said the
earth rested. But if my reason proved unequal to the solution, my faith made up all
deficiencies, being confident that to Him who made all things out of nothing, it could not
be difficult. In cloudy weather I prayed earnestly to God to lift up his foot from the
round hole which gave us light.
I was sent from time to time to divers schools, and at seventeen years
of age I had committed to memory vast quantities of Latin, but memory was the only talent
that had been cultivated, my understanding and reasoning powers had been suffered to
slumber. I became perfectly disgusted with study, and forming about this time an intimacy
with a druggist's apprentice, I thought it would be a delightful thing if I could persuade
my mother to let me throw aside my books and turn shop-boy. But how to set about it I did
not know, for I had been dedicated to the ministry from my birth, and I well knew it would
almost break my mother's heart if I were to give it up. I at last resolved to make my
sister Ann (the only one unmarried) my confidante. I wrote her a long letter,
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36
enlarging upon the length of time I had studied, the little progress I had made, and
the poor hopes I had of doing any better in future. I told her I had the greatest
reverence for the ministerial office, and looked upon it as the most honorable of all
employments, but then, if it was an undertaking beyond my strength, the requisite gifts
being deficient, it would only be wasting time and money for me to persevere. After
dwelling at length on my incapacity, I wound up by disclosing my secret wish to go into a
druggist's shop, and I begged of her to tell it to my mother, as a suggestion of her own,
on some very favorable occasion, and by no means to show the letter to her.
Notwithstanding all my precaution, my sister felt it to be her duty to make my
communication public, and a family council was held as to what was to be done, and it was
unanimously decided that the very ingenuity of my arguments to prove incapacity went to
establish the fact of its being inclination, and not talent, that was wanting. My mother
took it to heart so much, that she absolutely fell sick; but she was determined to keep me
at study for some time longer, at any rate. Soon after this struggle for liberty, I was
for the first time placed under a tutor who had the art of drawing forth any talent that I
might possess. Mr. De 1a Bussiere was a
THE HUGUENOTS
37
Protestant layman, and very eccentric. He was an excellent Latin and Greek scholar, a
pretty poet and a good physician; he was as obstinate as a mule; he drank to excess, but
did not commence his potations until the labors of the day were ended. He had ten or
twelve pupils, but no boarders; for he and his wife had only one small apartment, which
served as kichen, bedroom, and study. He wore a little cloak, once black, now of a reddish
brown, threadbare, and always covered with dust. He never used a razor, but when his beard
became inconveniently long, he cut it off with scissors. Their slovenly apartment did not
contain such a thing as a looking-glass. In short, he was, what in England they call, a
mere scholar; he had learning, and nothing else. I began to study under him upon an
entirely different plan, and in a short time his explanations and exercises brought into
play the stores that memory had laid up, and I was astonished to find that I had
acumulated such a mass of materials without knowing how to make use of them until now. We
had no holyday except Sunday, and on Monday morning we were required to give a full
account of the sermon we had heard on the preceding day. I remained three years with him,
and when we parted, both he and I were satisfied with the progress I had made.
A TALE OF 38
He certainly understood human nature, and had the art of guiding others
in a remarkable degree. A single word of reproof from him was more grievous to me than the
severest punishments infiicted by former preceptors.
My next step was to the college of Guienne, and there great
mortification awaited me. Latin was the only language made use of and I had never been
accustomed to speak it, (though I was familiar with all the best Latin authors) and I
found it impossible to follow the Lecturers. I did not allow myself to be discouraged, but
hired the assistance of a private tutor for the hours of relaxation, and by this means I
was soon able to keep peace with the Professors; and I may say with truth, that during the
two years I remained at college, I spent sixteen hours out of every twenty-four in study.
At the age of twenty-two I took my degree of Master of Arts, and of fourteen who passed at
the same time, I stood second on the list. Thus, with five years of hard study, I made up
in some degree for the previous nine years of negligence. About this time my dear mother
ended her life of piety and usefulness.
In France, by law a man is not of age until he has completed his
twenty-fifth year, but my brothers, disliking the trouble of managing my property, made
THE HUGUENOTS
39
me of age, or free, immediately after my mother's decease. My brothers and sisters were all married, and had long ago received the greater part of their portions, so that in making the final division of property, the estates of Jenouille and Jaffe fell to my share.
A TALE OF
40
Study with Mr.Forestier--His persecutions--His wife's firmness--Return home--Pray with neighbours--Leave to neighbourhood at Easter--Poor people assemble in the woods--A spy watches them--Warrants issued--A mason taken up--He recants--His repentance--My return home--Warrant against me--Determined to remain and wait the issue--Grand Provost and Archers appear--Conducted to prison--Obtain permission to pray night and morning in prison.
Having made all necessary arrangements for the management of my property. I went to my
brother-in-law Mr. Forestier who was a minister at St. Mesme in Anguomois to prosecute my
theological studies, for I had now no other wish than to devote to the glory of God all
the talents he had bestowed upon me.
While I was at Mr. Forestier's, a complaint was made that he had
received a papist into the communion of the Protestant Church, contrary to the King's
edict. Upon this accusation, he was taken to prison on horseback with his legs tied under
the horse's belly. If you had but seen the papists of Augouleme collected on the road, in
such numbers that I may say they were literally piled up, and they were uttering the most
horrid maledictions and throwing stones at
THE HUGUENOTS
41
him and at us who accompanied him to the prison door; I say, if you had
seen them, you would have supposed the prisoner had murdered his father, commited violence
on his mother, or attempted the life of the King. Oh my God! to what a horrid pitch of
barbarity does the blind zeal of superstition and idolatry carry mankind!
My sister was throughout her trials resigned to His will, who she felt
assured, in His infinite wisdom ordered all for the best. After a tedious imprisonment Mr.
Forestier appealed to the parliament* of Paris. and was acquitted. The Church of St. Mesme
being condemned, he was removed by order of the Synod to Coses in Saintonge, and though it
is rather anticipating events, I think I had better finish at once the history of his
labours in the ministry, before returning to my own life. The church at Coses having been
condemned, the papists in the neighborhood wished to put a stop to divine worship there,
even before the day appointed for its destruction arrived, and to accomplish this end,
they made some
* There were ten Parliaments in the Kingdom of
France, they were superior courts of judicature, to which appeal was made from the
decision of inferior tribunals. They had no legislative function but that of registering
and publishing the Royal Decrees, to which they very rarely raised any ejection.
4*
A TALE OF 42
frivolous complaint of Protestants who had recanted having been seen there, and procured a
warrant to arrest Mr. Forestier upon this charge. A friend travelled all night from
Saintes in order to give him timely notice of the steps that had been taken, and arrived
at Coses just as he was ready to go to church on Sunday morning, and tried in vain to
persuade him to conceal himself.
My sister was appealed to, expecting she would aid in dissuading her
husband from going to church; so far from it, she replied with a calm and decided tone;
"it is Mr. Forestier's duty to preach to his flock, and it is for God to do as
seemeth him good. "
Mr. Forestier turned round triumphantly and said "you see we have
no Eve here Sir," and immediately proceeded to church with his family. He preached
with his accustomed energy, there was not the slightest visible trace of agitation, and as
he descended from the pulpit he was seized by the Archers, taken to the prison of Saintes
and thence transferred to that of La Reolle, where the parliament of Bourdeaux then held
its sittings. His life was preserved through many dangers by the God whom he served so
faithfully, and at last he left France with his wife and younger children, in conformity
with the King's Declaration.
It is difficult which to admire most, the husband
THE HUGUENOTS
43
or the wife, the faith of both shone so triumphantly on these trying occasions, and I can
assure you (for I was much with her) that my sister's firmness did not proceed from any
deficiency of sensibility; there was no apathy about her. I have known few persons who had
stronger affections, but her love for her husband and children was subordinate to her love
of God, and when his glory was in question, nothing was too dear to her. Happy couple!
their treasure was laid up in heaven, and they could well afford to despise this present
life and its enjoyments.
I now return to my own history. I went to Saintes to reside, in order
to have the assistance of two able and pious ministers, Mr. Mainard, and Mr. Borillak, in
pursuing my theological studies. After a while they also were cast into prison, and I
returned home.
My brother Peter had been the minister of my father's parish ever since
his death, and about this time, he was seized under a 'lettre de eachet,' and confined in
the Castle of Oleron; the church at Vaux was levelled with the ground, and most of the
churches in our Province shared the same fate; thus my neighbors could not reach a place
of worship without great fatigue; and feeling compassion for them as sheep without a
shepherd, I felt myself called upon to invite them to join me in my family
A TALE OF 44
devotions. The number who came soon increased to one hundred and fifty, and I then
recommended them not to come daily as heretofore. I could prepare myself more suitably to
expound the Scriptures, and preach for them, if our meetings did not take place more than
two or three times a week. And I suggested to them, that if each family only came once a
week, and thus all took their turns, that our meetings being less numerous, would be less
likely to attract attention. I also frequently changed our days of assembling, giving
previous notice to the people, and we continued this endearing intercourse uninterruptedly
during the whole winter. All who attended were personally known to me, and to each other,
and all were equally interested in keeping the secret, and my house standing entirely
alone was a very favourable circumstance for us.
A rumour prevailed that there were meetings in our parish, and that I
was the preacher, but we had no traitor in our ranks, and the papists were unable to
discover any thing with sufficient certainty to make a handle of. Some of my friends
advised me to cease before we were discovered, but I believed myself to be in the path of
duty, and was determined to persevere. Our holy intercourse continued without any drawback
till Palm Sunday 1684. I then advised my people to go to some of the few remaining
churches
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45
in order to receive the communion with their brethren, and I myself went to the other side
of the Province, and received the communion both on Palm Sunday and Easter Sunday, and
remained from home until ten or twelve days after Easter. On Palm Sunday some of the
neighbours came to my house as usual, and not finding me there, they retired to the wood
behind my house, and one of their number, a mason by trade, who read very well, officiated
as their pastor.. He read several chapters from the Bible, the prayers of the church, and
a sermon, and they sang Psalms. This meeting having been open, it was noised abroad, and
on Holy Thursday, from seven to eight hundred persons assembled on the same spot, the
mason again the pastor; and on Easter day the number increased to a thousand.
A miserable pettifogging Attorney, named Agoust, who had already
abjured his religion, lived within four hundred paces of a high road by which many of the
people returned home from the meeting, and thinking to ingratiate himself with those in
power, he sat at his window to watch them returning, but it was impossible for him to
recognise individuals at that distance, the services having continued till after dusk;
nevertheless, he made out a list of sixty names, putting down some who were, and some who
were not there, and Mr. Mouillere and I were at the
A TALE OF 46
head. He knew pretty well who would be likely to attend such a meeting, and that was about
as much as he really did know. On the deposition of this single witness (a man of
indifferent character at best) before the Seneschal of Saintes, warrants were issued
against us. Two or three days before my return home, the Grand Provost and his Archers
were sent in search of us. I was absent; the country people, having had timely notice, had
hidden themselves in the woods, and after scouring the country over the archers found no
one but the poor mason who had officiated. Him they took, fastened him to a horse's tail,
and dragged him to Saintes a distance of fifteen miles. They threatened him in all kinds
of ways, and assured him he would be hanged as soon as they reached the Capital. It was
late when they arrived, too late, they told him, for him to be hanged that night, and that
one solitary chance for life yet remained to him, and that was, to recant without delay,
for if he once got within the walls of the prison, a hundred religions would not save him
from death. They said all that was required of him was to renounce the errors of Calvin,
and surely he might do that with a clear conscience, for if Calvin had errors, they ought
to be renounced, and if he had none, then nothing was renounced. They did not neglect to
set before him the forlorn condition in which his wife
THE HUGUENOTS 47
and children would be placed by his death; and the poor fellow, what with their threats
and their specious arguments, having no one at hand to strengthen him, yielded to the
temptation, and abjured the errors of Calvin. He was rewarded by being set at liberty
immediately. As soon as I returned home, he came to me, crying like a child, he threw
himself on his knees before me, and entreated that I would pray to God for his soul, which
he had damned by his own weakness. He related the whole story to me, and told me the
torments he had endured ever since and that it was impossible for him to sleep. He viewed
his crime with so much abhorrence, and was in such a state of despair, that I saw at once
that my duty was not to reprove but rather to try to lead him to the true source for
consolation, and I endeavoured to convince him that God's mercy was still open to him. I
drew a parallel between him and St. Peter, whom he had imitated, as well in his bitter
tears, as in his fall. He once more abjured his abjuration, and asked forgiveness of every
one he met for the scandal he had brought upon their holy religion; and I do believe that
all who witnessed the remorse of this unhappy man, were by it strengthened in their own
faith. God, who can bring good out of evil, shewed them by this sad example that man, with
all his cruelties, can inflict no such pain,
A TALE OF 48
as God causes to the consciences of those who deny him before men.
I was very sorry that I had not been on the spot to have accompanied
the poor man, and to have tried to strengthen him; and understanding that there was a
warrant out against me, I rode over to Saintes to ascertain the fact. I waited upon the
Lieutenant General, or Seneschal of the Presidency of Saintes, and he had the malice to
deny that there was any such warrant out, though he himself had issued it, but he thought
that being led to prison by the Grand Provost, and made a public spectacle of, would serve
to intimidate me. I saw into the matter, and returned quietly home. During the week I
remained there, I was constantly employed, exhorting my neighbours and trying to
strengthen their faith, and when I heard that the Provost and Archers were within two
leagues of us, I sent messengers into the villages to give them time to hide themselves,
but I had determined myself not to shrink from the danger whatever it might be. I made all
ready in the evening, expecting them early next day; I gave full directions to my
servants, I made up a bundle containing what I should require in the prison, and I prayed
most feverently to God for his grace to support me in the step I was about to take, and
which I believed I was undertaking for his glory. Some of
THE HUGUENOTS 49
my friends came to me, and offered me the use of their houses as an asylum, but I refused, saying that I had induced these poor people to jeopard their lives for our holy religion, and that, having been their guide when there was no danger, if I were now to flee, I should consider myself like the shepherd who fled at the sight of the wolf, because he was an hireling. Example, I told them, was more powerful than precept, and that if I were absent, and my poor neighbours abjured their faith for want of a leader to countenance and support them, I should for ever feel that the sin rested on my shoulder. My mind was wonderfully calm, and I slept so soundly that I was only wakened by the noise of the Provost and his Archers knocking at the gate, at break of day. I started suddenly out of my sleep, felt a vague sort of alarm, and trembling from head to foot, and being but half awake, the idea crossed my mind of defending myself with fire-arms which I had in my room. Presently I realized more fully my situation, and calling to mind the resolves of the night before, I fell down upon my knees and prayed for Divine assistance, which appeared to be vouchsafed to me, for I felt almost immediately tranquillized, and I heard with displeasure that my servants were denying that I was in the house. I put my head out of the window, and told them I had made ready for them over-
5
A TALE OF 50
night, upon they retreated a little, evidently thinking the preparation I spoke of was
defensive; indeed, I heard the Provost order his Archers to be on their guard, for I
should probably fire upon them. I told him he was mistaken, and that if he would wait
patiently until I was dressed, I would accompany him. As soon as I was ready, I opened the
door and showed the bundle I had prepared the night before. The Provost gave me some
exhortations about what he considered my duty, namely, to make a recantation in conformity
to the King's order. He then left me in charge of two of his Archers, and proceeded with
the rest in search of the other persons against whom he had warrants. They scoured the
country without finding any of my accomplices in prayer. One poor ploughman was taken up,
who felt somewhat embarrassed at suffering persecution without the consolation of having
deserved it. He was sent forward to the place of rendezvous with an Archer for his guard,
who was one of that tribe of booted Missionaries, who by oaths, threats and cruelties,
strove to make converts to his religion.
Hearing that no more prisoners were likely to be brought in, we
continued our way, and my companion was greatly comforted by having (at my earnest
solicitation) the rope, which tied him to the horse's tail, left long enough for him to
walk by my
THE HUGUENOTS 51
side. When we were approaching the Capital, the Archers told me, with a delicacy rather
unusual, that they bad positive orders to tye my legs together under the horse, but that
if I would drop my cloak down so low as to hide my legs altogether, they would dispense
with it. We entered the town of Saintes at 5 o'clock in the afternoon of a day near the
end of April 1684, and we formed a spectacle to a crowd composed of two very different
classes. The one clapped their hands, jumped for joy, and cried out in loud tones,
"Hang them! Hang them!" The other stood aloof and wept. My companion was sadly
overcome, but I tried to encourage him, speaking kindly to him, and pressing his hand,
which when the papists observed, they redoubled their menaces. The principal Protestants
in the place made me a visit of condolence in the prison that very night. I thanked them
for their sympathy, and told them they would soon have an opportunity of evincing it by
acts, for I felt assured that my poor neighbours would ere long be my companions in
prison, and they would then be called upon to contribute to their support. After they had
left me, I made a bargain with the gaoler to pay him so much a day for a bed for myself,
and for the use of his own private apartment. Now my principal reason for coming to
A TALE OF 52
prison (which I could easily have avoided by flight) was to prevent any of my followers,
who might hereafter be seized, from changing their religion, and as it would be highly
dangerous to speak to them of religion, I determined, without loss of time, to make the
only arrangement by which I could hope to be useful to them, and that was, to obtain
permission to pray aloud night and morning in the prison, an undertaking which hitherto no
minister had attempted, so far as I knew.
After supper, conversing with the gaoler, I told him there was one
thing I wished to mention to him, namely, that it was my practice to pray aloud to God
night and morning, and that it had become so habitual to me, and was so necessary to my
peace of mind, that if I were, debarred from it, he would find me unhappy and morose, and
an uncomfortable inmate for him; but that wishing to shew him all due respect, I had no
idea of annoying him by praying in our joint apartment, and if he had no objection, I
would choose as my altar the corner of the common prison behind the door of our room. He
replied rather jocularly that he was like the devil not so black as he appeared to be, and
that all my holy water would not make him drop the keys out of his hand. "Very
well," said I, 'I am glad we agree so well, you may keep
THE HUGUENOTS.
53
the key of the prison, and I will endeavour to obtain that of eternal happiness.' I went
directly to the corner I had named, and kneeling down, I began to pray aloud, without
calling any one to join me; but my companion threw himself on his knees at my side, as did
also another poor Protestant who was imprisoned for debt. My prayer was chiefly composed
of thanksgiving, that among so many faithful servants of God, he had been pleased to
select me to suffer persecution for the truth of his Gospel, soliciting his grace to
enable me to do my duty in this new sphere. I did not forget to make mention of the choice
of Moses rather to suffer persecution with the people of God than to sit upon the throne
of Pharaoh, and also the zealous protestations of St. Paul, that neither death nor life,
nor principalities, nor powers, should be able to separate him from the love of God, which
is in Christ Jesus our Lord. I prayed also for the King, that God would be pleased to put
it into his heart to examine the pure faith against which he issued so many edicts, and
that he might be changed from its persecutor into its nurse and father. The following
morning I went to prayer in the same corner; and continued daily night and morning, and my
poor ploughman became confirmed in his faith, and felt so bold that the promises and
threats of the
5*
A TALE OF 54
Papists no longer disturbed him. The gaoler and his wife being accustomed to deal with
haughty turbulent spirits, looked upon me as disordered in my intellects when they found I
considered it a privilege to be imprisoned.
THE HUGUENOTS. 55
CHAPTER V.
Provost and Archers make another tour--Firmness of the poor country people--Twenty brought to prison--Supplied with necessaries by Protestants of Saintes--Attempt to shake their faith--Precantion in anticipation of separation--Indictment against me--Confrontation--Recollement--Examination of witnesses--Agoust--Two criminals--Gaoler--Gaoler's wife--Application to the Seneschal for enlargement--Accusation of King's advocate--Placed in a dungeon--Removed to Town Hall--Proposal to regain freedom by bribery.
WHEN I had been in prison about ten days, the Provost and his Archers set out upon another
circuit, and my idea was correct that the country people would no longer flee. They had
warning time enough for the timid to retreat to the woods, but more than one hundred and
fifty persons met the Provost, and accosted him with the utmost intrepidity, saying:
"we have all attended these holy meetings and prayed to God in the woods, and we are
ready to justify our conduct." The number who came forward being much greater than
those against whom he had warrants, an examination commenced, and those whose names were
not on the list were put on one side; after this was done, the remainder was still too
large,
56 A TALE OF
(the prisons being already filled with Papists who were commited for real crimes,) and the
Provost said he would only take twenty. A holy strife then arose amongst these followers
of the Lord as to who should be of the number. The Archers were thunderstruck at the scene
they beheld. "What are you about ?" said they. "Do you set no value upon
life? What fury urges you to the gallows? Think for a moment of your wives and children!
what will become of them ?" They tried every expedient to intimidate them, and swore
by all that was sacred that they would only leave the prison for the rack, the gibbet, or
at any rate the galleys. They adduced numerous instances of such and such persons, who,
for similar offences, had been hanged, broken on the wheel, &c. These words acted upon
them like wind upon fire, the more furious and violent were the Archers, the more was the
zeal of the people kindled.
At length, by a refinement of cruelty, the Provost determined to leave
behind those most anxious to go, and to select those to take with him who appeared least
eager.
They were bound together two and two as dogs are coupled for hunting,
and fastened to the horse's tails. These poor countrymen betrayed no apprehension, they
bade adieu to their wives and children with dry eyes, and the wives themselves, having put
THE HUGUENOTS 57
their hands to the plough, saw their husbands depart without a murmur, trusting in Him who
has promised to be a husband to the widow, and a father to the fatherless.
It was certainly not more than half an hour after their arrival at the
prison,when ten beds with all complete and an abundant supper were sent to them; and it
deserves to be recorded, that during the whole time of their imprisonment the good
Protestants of Saintes took care to supply them with every necessary, and the manna was
not more abundant in the wilderness than food in the prison.
Their beds were placed on one side of the large room, apart from the
Papists. In the evening I went to prayer as usual, they all knelt around me, and God who
has promised his assistance to all who ask in faith, did indeed answer our prayers, for we
experienced a holy joy and peace, which cannot be understood by any who have not tasted
for themselves. From time to time attempts were made to undermine the faith of these poor
people, and induce them to recant, and doctrinal arguments were brought forward which they
were unable to answer. I dared not instruct them openly, or even converse with them upon
religious subjects, but they would speak among themselves of these difficulties, and as I
was walking up and down the large room, I listen-
58 A TALE OF
ed to what they were saying, and when the hour of prayer returned, I availed myself of
what I had overheard. and I would put up a petition, that if the enemies of the Lord
should ask me such and such questions, or make use of such and such arguments, I might
receive the Holy Spirit, and be enabled to answer for the faith that was in me in such and
such a manner; and thus I contrived to prepare them for the Bishop's chaplain who visited
them daily. During three weeks the Bishop and many other Papists were unceasing in their
endeavours to cause some of these poor people to fall, but thanks be to God, it was all in
vain. At length they found out the secret of our strength, and that prayer was the
invincible armour of our faith; and so they determined to remove me thinking that when the
poor country men were left to themselves, they might work upon their fears as successfully
as they had done upon the reason. I had foreseen this step, and taken precautions
accordingly, recommending them to continue praying aloud, one for the rest; and if he also
were taken away, another to take the place, so long as even two should be left. For their
further encouragement, I told them, that by this expedient it was not improbable that we
might be placed together again.
THE HUGUENOTS. 59
The King's Solicitor had prepared an indictment, consisting of three
charges.
1st. I had taught in the prison, and prevented my companions changing
their religion.
2nd. I had given offence to the Catholics who were in prison.
3d. I had interrupted the Priest in his celebration of Divine worship.
I have forgotten to mention that there was a small chapel attached to
the prison, where the Priest said Mass every morning, and I had selected the same time for
our devotions, because the Papists were then generally absent.
Two of the witnesses against me, whose ears had been offended by the
Holy name of God being pronounced within their hearing, were men who had waylaid a
neighbour on the highway, murdered him and mangled his body, for which crime they were
afterwards broken on the wheel. Oh ! how infamous for a Huguenot to attempt to pray to God
in the presence of such worthy Catholics, and wound their delicate consciences with his
fanatical discourse. Great God ! what times !
Before I was removed, they brought me into Court for examination, and
they began first with the offence for which I was originally committed to prison.
60 A TALE OF
On these occasions, the accused is permitted to ask the witnesses as many questions as he
pleases, in the presence of the Seneschal or President, and the Register; and he has the
right to have such answers as he considers favourable to him committed to writing. This is
called 'confrontation.' The President on behalf of the King cross-examines both the
accused and the witnesses, and has all the answers recorded that he considers of
sufficient importance. This is called 'recollement.' And upon this 'confrontation' and
'recollement' all the instructions for the prosecution turn. They are read by judges to
the number of twelve or fifteen, who are lawyers of course, and are called counsellors.
At the time of judging, the witnesses are not brought to the bar as in
England, but the 'confrontation' and 'recollement' only are produced; and as each witness
has been separately examined, without knowing what any other has said, it is a good way of
eliciting the truth. It is all important, you must perceive, for the accused to be on the
alert to discover, if possible, any falsehood in the witnesses.
The only witness against me was Agoust, who had made oath to seeing me
on Easter Day, among the poor people returning from the meeting in the woods. He was, as I
have already said, a pettifogging attorney,
THE HUGUENOTS 61
and consequently, well qualified to support falsehood without contradicting himself.
Truth in the end generally triumphs over falsehood, and so it was on
this occasion, for I extracted from him at different times, and amidst a host of useless
questions, the following replies:--
1st. That the time he saw me was in the dusk of the evening.
2nd. That he was standing at his window.
3rd. That I was in Mr. Mouillere's meadow.
4th. That the distance was about a musket shot from where he was
standing.
5th. That it was not in my way home from the woods.
You will readily conclude that I only obtained these answers at long
intervals, putting many irrevelant questions to him in the mean time, in order to make him
lose sight of the inconsistency of his present replies with those already recorded.
The President was out of all patience with me, for consuming his time
in asking so many foolish questions. As Agoust had been a Protestant, and had turned
Papist to retain his office as attorney, I endeavoured to trouble his conscience, and
putting together the above named answer, I said to him; "Miserable wretch that you
are, was it not enough that you should deny your baptism and your religion
6
62 A TALE OF
but you must also employ false testimony to tempt those whom God supports by his grace.
Now; look at your statements and give the glory to God. You were at your window in the
dusk of the evening, and you recognized me at the distance of a musket shot. What sort of
eyes do you pretend to have ?" He was much confused at this, and said, "At any
rate I thought it was you."
"Write that," said I to the Register.
The President, seeing his prey about to escape him, got into a violent
passion, and reproached me with abusing the witness.
"You have perplexed and confused him," said he.
"What" said I "are you sorry that I have forced truth
from his lips ? I looked up to you as my judge, but I now see reason to fear you as my
persecutor.''
I requested the Register several times to write down the last most
decisive answer, but he looked for permission to the President, who shook his head. I then
insisted that he should write down that the witness no longer said he had seen me, but
only that he thought he had seen me.
The President wished to dictate it in modified terms, but I declared
that if it were not written down verbatim, nothing should induce me to sign my
confrontation, and finally he yielded; I believe, from the
THE HUGUENOTS 63
fear he entertained of my protesting against his proceedings, which
would have been to his great dishonour.
The first blow avoided; you shall now see how I got clear of the
dreadful accusation of having prayed to my God in prison. The two witnesses afterwards
broken on the wheel were first examined. One of them had been brought up a Protestant, and
all he could remember hearing me say was "Our father who art in heaven." The
second could not remember even as much as that. The gaoler was the third witness, and his
accusation being that I had prevented the recantation of the people. I enquired of him
whether he had ever heard me speak to them about religion.
"No," said he.
"Did I even call them to prayers?"
"No."
I asked no more from him.
The fourth witness was the gaoler's wife, and she was expected to prove
that I had interrupted the priest in celebrating Mass. She had some talent and was a great
bigot, therefore some little dexterity was required in dealing with her.
You must hear in mind that the chapel was separated from the main body
of the prison by a little court,. and also that it was on the ground floor, and
64 A TALE OF
the common room of the prison was in the second story, and I prayed in the corner of that
room most remote from the chapel, and with my back towards it, and in a subdued tone of
voice, only just loud enough to be audible to those around me. It would indeed have
required lungs much stronger than mine to have made myself heard in the chapel; the
President well knew that it was an impossibility; and if there were no other evidence of
the falsity of the accusation, the non-appearance of the Priest, (said to have been
disturbed) as a witness, would have been sufficient.
When the gaoler's wife came forward, I complained to her of the
injustice of the preceding witnesses, and said, that I was sure a devout woman, such as
she was, could not have been shocked to see poor people, for whom punishment was in store,
humbling themselves before their God, and that as all my expressions were taken from the
Holy Scriptures, they could not have given offence to a good Christian like her. She
replied, that my words had not given her offence.
That was written.
"However," said I, " you had a much better opportunity
of hearing me than any of the other witnesses; do not you remember passing close by my
feet one morning when I was praying, as you went from one room to the other?"
THE HUGUENOTS. 65
She said she remembered it well.
I had that written, almost in spite of the President, who considered it
so useless a question. After a few unimportant queries, I asked her if she ever heard me
call any one to prayer.
"No," said she, "but as soon as they see you kneel down,
they run like wild fire."
I then asked, if she ever heard me forbid these people to change their
religion.
"No."
These answers were written.
I then enquired whether she was able to remember a sermon she heard
from one of the preachers of her own religion. She was piqued that I should have a doubt
on the subject, and answered most unhesitatingly, that she could remember it.
I did not require that to be written, but with humble apology, I begged
she would do me the favor to repeat to the President any passages she could remember of my
prayers, because I was persuaded that he would esteem me for them, rather than wish me
evil.
She was abashed at acknowledging any deficiency in the memory of which
she had just now boasted, and said she could not oblige me because I always spoke in so
low a tone that she could not hear what I said.
6*
66 A TALE OF
That was written, and I was satisfied.
We both signed the confrontation or rather refutation of the
accusation. The witnesses having all contradicted themselves, I told the President that
instead of sending me to a worse prison, I had a right to expect that he would enlarge me.
The king's advocate answered, accusing me in an indignant tone of
having caused illegal assemblies in the prison.
I answered pleasantly enough that he was wrong in imputing the crime to
me, the Grand Provost and his Archers had to answer for that, and I could assure him that
if he would open the prison, I would disperse the assembly.
"It is no jesting matter," said he, " you have prevented
the conversion of these poor people."
I then spoke with more seriousness, and said "you must perceive by
the confrontation that you are mistaken; but for the sake of argument, suppose it to be
otherwise; I look upon the conversion of the soul as exclusively the work of the Holy
Spirit of God, and that perseverance in our religion cannot be attributed to any mere man,
but rather to Him who tries the heart and the reins, and strengthens whom he
pleases." "I am ashamed," said I, " to plead before Christians as
Christians formerly pleaded before Pagans; and now just imagine yourself in the situation
THE HUGUENOTS. 67
of one of us. What would you think of a religion which should impute it to you as a crime,
that you had prayed to God out of the deep gulph of your affliction? Would you be disposed
to embrace such a religion ?"
He was moved at this appeal, but the President remained inflexible, and
said, I must go to the dungeon of the tower of Pons.
I then spoke with warmth and indignation, and told him, that being
convinced of my innocence, as I felt persuaded he was, he forgot his duty, and was more
inveterate against me than the King's advocate, who in virtue of his office was my
persecutor, and I added, that if he thought putting me in a dungeon would prevent my
calling upon my Creator, he was much mistaken, for the greater the affliction the more
urgent would be my supplications, and that I would not forget in my prayers to beg that
God would be pleased to give him repentance and a better mind. He very quietly said, he
wanted none of my prayers or lectures, and called to the Serjeant to do his duty.
I was taken to the tower of Pons, and put into a miserable, dark,
filthy dungeon at 8 o'clock in the morning. I found it already tenanted by one of the
culprits who was awaiting his trial for murder. We had not much conversation. He asked me
what was the general opinion of him, and he also wished
68 A TALE OF
to know if I could tell him any thing of the mode of examining by torture. I told him that
he was believed to be guilty, and the probability was, that if he were so, some one of his
companions would confess, and they would all suffer.
"What." said he, "if I go through the torture without
confessing, and the others accuse me falsely, shall I be broken on the wheel all the
same?"
I said that all particulars might be so circumstantially given, that he
would find it impossible to deny any longer.
"Ah Jesu Maria !" he cried out, in such a tone as left me no
doubt of his being really guilty. I endeavoured to waken him to repentance, and assured
him that God's mercy was still open to him.
He had a curiosity to know what my crime might have been, and upon
learning it he said, "Alas, sir, why do not you change your religion ? This is a sad
place for one like you."
Poor wretch! I could readily believe that he would have acted up to the
advice he gave me; and the probability is, that had he been brought up a Protestant,
recantation would now have saved his life. He was next day put to the torture, ordinary
and extraordinary: he bore all in silence, nothing could be drawn from him; one of his
accomplices confessed, and all three were broken on the wheel.
THE HUGUENOTS 69
Owing to the incessant importunity of Mademoiselle De la Burgerie, afterwards wife of
Col.de Boisron, I was taken out of this stinking place at nine o'clock the same night. She
was well acquainted with the Seneschal, and represented to him in the strongest language
the infamy of his proceedings, and she would not rest until he gave her an order for my
removal.
My next prison was a very elevated one, it was in a small tower at the
top of the town hall of Pons, open to the town clock, circular in its form, and ten or
twelve feet in diameter. I procured a small bedstead, three chairs, and a table, and I
lived there three months in tolerable comfort. I was to be sure, rather dependent on the
caprice of the Seneschal; sometimes he would not allow any person to enter my apartment
for eight or ten days; and again, at other times, he would grant admission to any and
every body who would pay the porter a few pence. I was visited by many worthy and
excellent persons, through whose instrumentality I was enabled to send prayers, copied by
unknown hands, suited to the condition of my dear fellow sufferers in the prison; and I
had the satisfaction of learning that they persevered in their daily devotions, and not
one of them was persuaded to recant.
It is worth mentioning that my solitude was never
70 A TALE OF
disturbed by Bishop, Jesuit, Priest, or Monk, though they never allowed a day to pass
without visiting my companions. No one ever proposed to me to change my religion; so true
is it that if you resist the devil he will flee from you.
It was hinted to me again and again, that I might let myself out with a
silver key, but as I had only entered the prison for the benefit of my poor neighbours, I
was determined not to quit it by means entirely out of their reach. I had also another
reason, which alone would have been sufficient to make me decline this plan; namely, that
it would hold out an inducement to the avaricious Seneschal to treat other Protestants
with severity in order to extort money from them. My advocate, Mr. Maureau, and some other
friends were anxious to take the matter upon themselves, and so arrange it as not to cost
me a farthing, but I scorned the proposal, and assured them that if they dared to take
such a step without my consent, I would proclaim publickly that the President had taken
money to enlarge me.
THE HUGUENOTS. 71
CHAPTER VI.
Trial before the Presidency--A digression--My defence--Angry discussion with the
President--Query--My reply--Sentence.
THE month of August had come round by the time that the process was read; to be brought
before the Presidency in the Hall of Justice.
In this court the prisoner is not allowed to have an advocate to plead
for him, but has to appear alone. The door is locked and guarded by Archers. The President
sits in the centre, the Judges or Counsellors on each side, the Register remains in the
lower part of the Hall, and the prisoner is usually seated near him on a three legged
wooden stool, as a mark of disgrace. There is a saying in France, "he has sat upon
the stool," which is tantamount to the English phrase, "I have seen him hold up
his hand at the bar."
The testimony recorded in the confrontation is read to the accused, and
he is asked if it be correct, and if the signature attached to it be his. The Judges then
examine him more fully, and if it be a case admitting of appeal to Parliament, the answers
are re-
72 A TALE OF
corded. The examination finished, the accused is taken back to prison, and the sentence of
the court, in writing is sent to him by a sheriff's officer.
In preparing myself, I thought much more of my poor neighbours than of
myself; because I was really innocent of the charge in the indictment, they were not; and
without the assistance of an advocate I was somewhat apprehensive about them, and I
determined, if I had an opportunity, to say something that might be useful, either in
softening the hearts of the Judges, or alarming their consciences. as might appear most
expedient when the time came. I prayed most fervently to God for his assistance.
I will make a digression here, which you will presently perceive is not
altogether irrelevant to the subject. My apartment under the Town Clock looked into the
court yard of one of my Judges. He was a very passionate man and addicted to gambling
though said to be an able jurist.
Two or three days before my trial I was awakened out of my sound sleep
at midnight, by this man swearing and making the most horrible noises; he had just
returned home after losing a round sum of money in play, and mad with vexation, he was
venting his rage upon his innocent wife and children. I thought I heard blows, but
of that I was not sure.
To return to my trial. When I entered the Hall
THE HUGUENOTS 73
of justice, the Register civilly offered me the three legged stool: I declined it, saying,
I was no criminal to deserve the disgrace. He then attempted to force me upon it, which
the Court observing, ordered him to desist, and one of the Judges smiling said,
"Mr. Fontaine is a young man, and he might miss a good match by it."
I made a profound bow.
I was asked whether I had not prayed to God in the wood on Easter
Sunday.
I said "No, and I can produce any number of witnesses to prove an
alibi, if you will allow me; I spent that day at Coses."
Little was said about my crime in prison, because I acknowledged
unhesitatingly that I had prayed there, but not with my full voice.
After some other questions, they asked me if I did not know that his
Majesty had issued a Declaration forbidding illegal assemblies. I thought that God had now
opened the door for me to urge something on behalf of my fellow prisoners, and I said;--
"Gentleman; I am aware of it. and I have read the Declaration most
carefully over and over again, and I can find nothing in it which forbids people
assembling to pray to God. I look upon it as the height of injustice to his Majesty, to
pretend that he calls such assemblies unlawful, and you who are the
7
74 A TALE OF
interpreters of his Declaration ought to have more respect for him, and for your own
reputation as Christians, than to give it so bad an interpretation as to call those
assemblies illegal, to which no arms are carried but the Old and New Testament, and where
no words arc spoken but such as find an echo in the sacred volume, and where prayers are
offered for the prosperity of the King and his kingdom and for the conversion of those who
persecute the Church of Christ."
An interruption occured here; my advocate, Mr. Maureau, had been
listening at the door, and thinking I was too bold, he put his mouth to a crevice, and
cried "Hist, Hist, Hist," and ran away. The door was opened, but the offender
was not to be found, so they contented themselves with guarding it more carefully. This
incident roused the attention of my Judges, and hoping to draw me into some unguarded
expression which might be made a handle of, they ercouraged me to proceed, which I did as
follows :--
"Illegal assemblies, gentlemen, it appears to me, are assemblies
where something is done contrary to law, such as tumultuously assembling in arms to
conspire against the state; and I see none other to which it can be applied without losing
sight of the correct meaning of words; but if we were to extend
THE HUGUENOTS 75
its application, it is evident it should be to those meetings held in summer on Sunday
evenings, where they play, dance on the green, quarrel with one another, and blaspheme
their Maker on his appointed day of rest. Such assemblies might perhaps fall within the
meaning of the Declaration, however I do not hear of any one being taken up for attending
them, while the prisons are filled with those whose only crime has been praying to God. In
the name of all that is sacred, Gentlemen, how dare you give such an interpretation to his
Majesty's Declaration without trembling to think of the wrath of the King of Kings? You
who assemble nightly at balls, where they dance, speak evil of their neighbours, and
squander their money, and perhaps loose in gambling that which is wanted to support their
wives and children, and return home to be a burden where they ought to be a blessing. You,
I say, who are now sitting in judgment upon others, will one day stand before the just
Judge of all the world, and in that awful day, think you that He will condemn those who
have worshipped Him in spirit and in truth, or those who have frequented your
assemblies?"
"Aha!" cried the President "your rebellious spirit
breaks out at last, you not only sermonize and reproach us, but you say the King issues
Declarations wherein he forbids assenblies where they pray to
A TALE OF 76
God, and permits those in which the Divine Majesty is blasphemed. Register; that is the
sense of his reply, write it down"
"It is not ;" said I.
He then rose up in great anger, and said; "I am void of
understanding if it mean anything else."
Some of the Judges more calm, said, they had better listen to what I
had to say.
This was politic on their part, because an appeal to Parliament was
open to me, and if I would not sign my name to the answers recorded, they might get into
trouble, and be obliged to verify on oath every word they had made the Register write as
coming from me.
"Gentlemen," said I, "the sense of what I did say I take
to be this; that the King by his Declaration of such a date never meant to prohibit
assemblies where they pray to God, but much rather balls, and Sunday evening assemblies
for dancing on the green, and more especially those wherein they conspire against the
state."
"No," said the President "that is not it."
"Well, gentlemen,'' said I, " to put an end to the dispute, I
am very willing to dictate verbatim to the Register all that I have said;" and I was
about to begin.
"What !" cried the President, "that long sermon
THE HUGUENOTS. 77
over again, no; that would be rather beyond endurance.
At last, in order to save the trouble of the long reply, they consented
to take the the following as the tenor of it.
"According to my judgment, the Declaration of his Majesty of such
a date does not forbid assemblies where they only pray to God, and I think those who
extend its application so far, depart from the intention of his Majesty." This was
written, and I signed the document.
The President, by way of showing my stubbornness (as he called it) to
the Court, then said to me, "Mr. Fontaine, we have no more questions to put to you as
an accused person, but merely as a matter of curiosity, I wish to know from you whether
you think a private individual, we will say, a mechanic, for instance, can understand the
Holy Scriptures as well as the learned Doctors and Councils?"
I answered, "I must make some discrimination before I reply to
your query. Suppose the individual in question should be blessed with the Holy Spirit, and
the Doctors and Councils should not, (which I think very possible) then I am of opinion
the former would understand the sacred volume the best, because the same Spirit, by which
the Scriptures were dictated, is necessary for their correct understanding.
7*
A TALE OF 78
Our blessed Lord and his poor fishermen found themselves opposed by the Scribes and
Pharisees at Jerusalem. And to come nearer to our own days, Luther and Calvin to a
certainty, understood the Scriptures better than all the Popes, Cardinals, and Councils
put together."
At these words they all arose, crying out, "Jesu Maria! what
infatuation!"
"Ere long, gentlemen," said I, "we shall all be summoned
to leave this vain world, and we shall then see whose has then been the infatuation."
I was taken back to prison, and my companions succeeded me in the Hall
of Justice.
The sermon, which it was reported I had preached to the Court, made a
great noise in the place, it was the topic of conversation equally among Papists and
Protestants, each dressing it up according to their own fashion. The Judges themselves
said I had put the rope round my own neck. I received visits and letters of condolence
from many of the principal Protestants, and they all blamed me for my indiscretion, but
they did not know how cautiously I had expressed myself; and when I told them the whole
truth, and the form in which my answers had been recorded, they no longer reproached me.
I appealed to Parliament before I had even read the sentence of the
Presidency, which was handed
THE HUGUENOTS. 79
to me next day. I was sentenced to pay a fine of a hundred livres to the King for
having prayed in prison, and declared for ever incapable of exercising any function of the
Holy Ministry.
My companions were condemned to make the "amende honourable,"
to be banished from the Province for six months, to pay all expenses and one hundred
crowns in specie; and a further fine of six thousand francs was laid upon us all,
collectively and individually. The object of the last clause was to squeeze the money out
of me, as I was the only one in circumstances to pay it. I tendered the hundred livres
imposed upon me individually, and then demanded my enlargement, or at any rate the liberty
of going in and out of the prison. This was refused, therefore I was under the necessity
of calling upon my friends to present my request to Parliament.
80 A TALE OF
Appeal to Parliament--Copy of factum--President's observations upon it--Sentence
reversed--Register refuses copy of the decree--Apply for redress--Return home.
The Parliament of Bourdeaux, or rather of Guienne, then held its
sittings at La Reolle; and by its order we were removed to the prison of that town, which
vas so full that the gaoler, contented with his entrance fee, allowed us to go and come on
"parole" as we pleased. This was very advantageous to me, giving me the
opportunity of making personal application to Parliament, proving my own innocence, and
exposing the injustice of the Presidency of Saintes, which I hoped to exhibit in its true
colours.
I had my factum printed, of which the following is a true and faithful
copy.
"FACTUM."
"James Fontaine is accused of two things. The one of being found in the assemblies
held in the wood of Chatelars near Royan, and the other of having been heard praying to
God, in the prison of Saintes. With regard to the first accusation, it is based upon
THE HUGUENOTS. 81
the testimony of only one witness, named Agoust, who made affidavit to having seen him at
the distance of one hundred paces from his own house, and two hundred paces from the place
where the assemblies were said to have been held. At the confrontation this witness
admitted that he only thought he had seen him from a window, and that too, in the dusk of
the evening, at a distance of three or four hundred paces; and upon the strength of such
testimony as this, the said Fontaine has been confined four months in the prisons of
Saintes, which are extremely rude in their accommodations. The charge of praying to God
rested upon the evidence of four witnesses, who contradicted themselves upon
cross-examination, and it appeared that the said Fontaine merely knelt down in a corner of
the prison, and spoke in so low a tone that the gaoler's wife, after acknowledging that
she passed within one pace of him when he was kneeling down, was not able to repeat a
single word of what he had said. After the breviate of the case was completed, the
Seneschal in the most extraordinary manner refused to judge, and the said Fontaine was
obliged to take legal steps in consequence; and after four months delay, the Attorney
general's deputy, recognising the injustice of the proceeding, called for further enquiry
and the sentence resulting therefrom is the subject of the pre-
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sent appeal. The said Fontaine has been declared guilty of contravening the King's Edict,
and has been condemned to pay a fine of a hundred livres, and declared for ever incapable
of exercising the functions of candidate or of Minister. The said Fontaine appealed. He
tendered the sum of one hundred livres (the fine imposed upon him) to be set at liberty,
this was refused--but he has since obtained permission to go in and out upon condition of
returning to the prison.
"This is a brief statement of facts, and the said Fontaine now
proceeds to justify his appeal. In the first place the testimony of a single witness is
not sufficient under any circumstances, and the witness in question merely testified to
seeing him on the highway, and not at the place of meeting, and confessed afterwards that
he only thought he had seen him. A witness to be depended upon should speak with
certainly, and not by credit vel non credit any more than hearsay. And it can be
proved that the said Fontaine was at Coses, distant three leagues, on the day and at the
hour named by the witness. As to the second accusation; who would condemn a man for
praying in prison? The very situation would lead a Christian to pray more frequently
and fervently. In order to convict him he should be proved to have used words admitting of
evil construction;
THE HUGUENOTS. 83
so far from it, all that appears is that he was on his knees, in a remote corner of the
prison, and one witness heard him say, "Our
father who art in heaven." The said Fontaine concludes that having made this just
appeal, the former decision will be declared null and void."
"Monsieur de Labourin, Reporter."
"Signed. Dumas. Attorney."
Presented 6th. August 1684.
When I presented this factum to the President of the Parliament, I said
to him, " My Lord, I here present you with a true statement of facts, and if you find
the least discrepancy or exaggeration when you compare it with the evidence which will be
brought before you, I am willing not only to have the sentence of the Seneschal confirmed,
but you may increase the penalties as much as you please."
He read it with attention, and said he could scarcely imagine it was
correct, for what inducement could the Seneschal have had for acting thus.
"My Lord," said I, " his is the spirit of avarice, which
he hides under a specious display of false zeal; for he only joined me in the sentence
with the poor people to make sure of the fine and costs; I can assure you that the fees,
which are his perquisite, have been levied with an unsparing hand."
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The form of proceeding before Parliament is the same as before the
Presidency.
When I entered the Hall, the stool was offered to me as before; I
looked towards the President, and he kindly exempted me from the opprobium. I was treated
most respectfully, no unnecessary questions were asked, and I received full justice. I
obtained a final decision, reversing the sentence of the Presidency of Saintes, and
acquitting me entirely. My poor neighhours for form's sake, were banished from the
province for six months. The Seneschal of Saintes was ordered to restore me the hundred
livres that I had deposited, and he was prohibited from receiving fees on this, or any
future occasion, where the King was the prosecutor. Two grievous blows for the Seneschal.
In order to obtain my liberty, and recover the fine, I must produce a
copy of the decree. The Register said that twenty-one copies would be necessary, one for
each of us, which would have been very expensive. He knew well that on exhibiting one to
the gaoler, he would let us all out of prison and therefore, (loving money) he refused to
let me have my copy unless I paid him for the twenty-one.
I complained of this delay to the Lord President, and he told me to
command the Register from him
THE HUGUENOTS 85
to furnish me with a copy, paying only for that single one.
I went gladly with this order, but the chief Register was so great a
man that he interfered but little in the business of his office, and he sent me to his
deputy, one Cardon, who said it was none of his business. I returned to the chief
Register, for I did not begrudge my steps, and he told me that Cardon had better speak to
the President. For several days I was kept on the move from one to the other without any
prospect of redress, and I then began to see into the object of all this delay. This day
was the last of the Court sitting before the Christmas holydays, and the Register and his
deputy thought that the Lords of Parliament once dispersed, they would keep us in prison
during the whole holydays, unless I would pay for the twenty-one copies.
I determined to make a desperate effort, and writing my grievance on a
slip of paper, I managed to get in at the door during the absence of the Serjeant, and
appeared before the Parliament, with the petition in my hand. Cardon, who was there,
called the Serjeant, hoping to have me carried to prison for my intrusion.
Fortunately the President saw me, and called out, "Mr. Fontaine,
have you not got your deed yet?"
8
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"No indeed," my Lord, "what does it benefit me to have found favour in your
eyes, and that you have done me justice, when it is in Mr. Cardon's power to prevent my
obtaining the necessary record of it? Parliament once prorogued, he will leave me to rot
in a dungeon; and foreseeing this, I have in my despair, made bold to enter, and throw
myself at your feet as a supplicant for justice."
The President, extremely indignant, called out, "Mr. Cardon, how
dare you disobey my orders ? What have you to say to prevent my punishing you as you
deserve?"
He began a shuffling excuse about not having received instructions from
the chief Register.
I was on the point of contradicting him, but one of the Judges, who was
my friend, put his finger upon his lips to show me that I ought to remain silent; and I
presently saw it was for the best, because the President's anger was only increased by an
apology setting at naught his authority.
"And so, Mr. Cardon, my order is a dead letter, unless confirmed
by the Register! If you know your duty no better than that, it is time for me to have done
with you."
Cardon, in dismay, begged pardon with all humility, and assured the
Parliament he would attend to the matter instantly.
THE HUGUENOTS 87
The President, turning to me, said "Sir, if you cannot get your
deed today, come and tell me; and when you have received it, let me know how much you have
paid for it."
I made a low bow and retired, very well pleased.
I waited patiently for the adjournment of Parliament, and asked Mr.
Cardon as he came out to give me the deed. He said he was going home to dinner, but as
soon as he had dined I should have it. I followed him to his mansion, and he perceiving
it, recommended me to go and get my own dinner. I told him I was determined neither to eat
nor drink till I was possessed of the deed; and I waited patiently outside of his door for
two hours, and seeing neither him nor the deed, I knocked; a footman opened the door a
very little way, so that I could not possibly get in, and told me his master was out;
nevertheless I retained my position, and saw several persons admitted. At last, two well
fed Franciscan Friars, coming to the door, I followed them in unobserved, and keeping
close in the rear I managed to get into the office, and waiting until their business was
finished, I rose to my full height as they disappeared, and stood like a ghost before
Cardon.
"What devil has brought you here?" said he.
I replied that I came under the auspices of the good fathers who were
just gone.
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He handed me the deed, and I gave him in gold the one and twentieth
part of the sum he had demanded for furnishing the full number. To my surprise, he
returned me five or six crowns.
"How is that? Are you satisfied?" said I.
"No," said he, with much asperity of manner, nor shall I be
until I see you with a rope round your neck."
"When people are hung," said I for "praying to God, I
shall have reason to be afraid, and you will be able to sleep in peace."
I took the deed to the gaoler, and he thereupon released us all from
our "parole" and we were at full liberty.
I should not have dwelt upon this subject at so much length, but for
the purpose of showing you how many difficulties we had to contend with; every one seemed
to think he had a right to impose upon a Protestant, even down to a Register's clerk.
From this detail you should learn to stand up with firmness and use
every energy you are possessed of to overcome obstacles, and not sit down quietly as some
do to complain of fatigue and rebuffs, and make no effort. Remember, God has promised his
blessing to the diligent hand as well as the upright heart.
In the course of the day I called to take leave of
THE HUGUNOTS. 89
my Lord the President, and to thank him for all his kindness, and then quite victorious I
turned my steps towards Saintes. I made the Seneschal refund the hundred livres already
named, and once more I set foot within my own dwelling. The expences I had incurred during
my imprisonment amounted to two thousand livres.
Most of the poor people returned quietly to their own homes, which was
winked at, and they received presents from charitable disposed Protestants to an amount
that made ample amends for the labor which had been lost to their families.
The history of our imprisonment spread far and wide, and I received
letters of congratulation from many distinguished individuals, members of the reformed
church, amongst others from the Marquis de Rouvigny, father of Lord Galaway.
Mr. Benoist gives an account of our trial and imprisonment in his
"History of the Edict of Nantes." You will find it in the third part of the
third volume.
8*
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CHAPTER. VIII.
Persecution of 1685--Meeting of ministers and elders--My opinion opposed to the
majority--Meeting of Protestants at Royan--Mr.Certani dissuades numbers from
emigration--lnterview with him--Gloomy forebodings--Departure of many persons--Dragoons
appear--Leave home--Visit sisters--Traverse the country--Place bethrothed in safety.
The year 1685 opened with a bitter spirit of persecution, far beyond all that had
proceeded it. There was no longer the slightest semblance of justice in the forms of
proceeding, the dragoons ravaged and pillaged without mercy, resembling in their progress
a lawless and victorious army in an enemy's country. In the history of past ages we look
in vain for any record of such cruelties as they inflicted upon the unoffending and
unresisting Huguenots. They were accountable to nobody, for their acts, each dragoon was a
sovereign judge and an executioner, and he who had ingenuity enough to invent any new
species of torture was sure of applause, and even reward for his discovery.
Early in the year I received an invitation to at-
THE HUGUENOTS. 91
tend a meeting of Ministers and Elders to consult upon what ought to be done at the
present crisis.
The number assembled was about twenty five.
As I was only a Candidate and not a Minister, I had no right to be
present, still less to give an opinion at such a meeting, but my deportment in prison had
gained me so much reputation, that young as I was, the Ministers requested me to give them
my views.
I pointed out to them the error I thought they had been guilty of, in
preaching as they did, the doctrine of non-resistance from their pulpits, and I added that
it appeared to me that our quiet submission to all the King's grievous Declarations had
encouraged him to go on. Obedience to one edict only paved the way to another still more
intolerable, and that we might blame the timid policy of the day for much that we had
suffered. I totally dissented from the generally received doctrine, that our lives and our
property belonged to the King, and I looked upon it as reflecting discredit on our
ancestors, who had obtained for us, sword in hand, the privileges which were now taken
away. In short, I thought there was nothing left for us but to take up arms, and leave the
issue to the Lord of Hosts.
I was listened to thus far with impatience, and they then rebuked me,
telling me I had none of the
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Spirit of the Gospel, which was patient and long-suffering, and at the utmost extremity
permitted nothing but flight.
I replied that we were men as well as Christians, and that as men, we
had rights to maintain; and if a compact entered into with our fathers, in virtue of which
they had laid down their arms, was broken, we were certainly called upon to enforce its
fulfilment, if necessary, at the point of the sword. I entreated them to reflect that this
immense Protestant population could not all flee.
I was again interrupted, but I begged they would allow me to say one
word more; and I solemnly called upon them to think of the thousands of souls that would
be eternally ruined, unable to support persecution they would yield to the tempter, but
put arms in their hands and they would willingly hazard life for the truth.
They looked upon me rather with compassion as an impetuous, headstrong,
young man, and thought my advice altogether unworthy of consideration.
When the dragoons made their appearance in our Province, it was with
orders to over-run all the other districts before they visited the coast, and the idea
prevailed that sailors were to be spared.
The Intendant of Rochfort sent a letter to Royan recommending us to
change without dragoons. A
THE HUGUENOTS. 93
large meeting was held to deliberate upon a suitable answer to this smooth letter. My
voice was in favour of resistance, and I said I was convinced we could possess ourselves
of Rochfort and Brouage in one week.
They would not listen to me, and I verily believe, that nothing short
of the general respect entertained for our family would have prevented some who heard me
from giving information.
The answer returned was, that they would obey the King in every thing
that was consistent with their duty to God, but nothing should induce them to change their
religion.
They told a very different story when the dragoons really showed
themselves amongst them, for the principal men proved arrant cowards, and trod upon one
another, trying, who could get into the Church first, to make recantation. It was amongst
the county people that the most unshaken faith was found. Before the dragoons appeared, a
good many sailors embarked with their families, and crowds followed to the sea shore to
accompany them if room could be found for them. It was on this occasion that a Mr.
Certani, the Catholic Priest of Royan (a sensible and respectable man) went down to the
shore and dissuaded many from embarking, promising that Royan should not be visited by
dragoons, the King
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loving his brave seamen too well to allow them to be disturbed.
And to give additional weight to his advice, he added that if what he
had said was not true, they were welcome to burn him alive in his house. Some allowed
themselves to be persuaded to chance their plan. I was not at home on that day, and when I
heard of it on my return, I went to Mr. le Cure and told him I came to bid him farewell,
for I was certain the dragoons would soon be in our parish, and I did not mean to trust
myself to their tender mercies, if I could help it.
He urged me to do as many others had done, appear to change, which
would answer every purpose.
I answered, that I could not lull my conscience sufficiently to take
such a step as that.
He then told me in confidence that he was himself overwhelmed with
grief at the state of affairs; he feared the just judgements of God would overtake the
Catholics for forcing people to approach the altar without faith, and partake of that holy
sacrament which should only be received by the sincere in heart.
"I fear," said he, "war, famine, and pestilence!
War! what is more probable than that the princes, with whom so many Huguenots have taken
refuge
THE HUGUENOTS. 95
should be aroused to avenge them of their persecutors? Famine! for who will cultivate our
fields? all our young people are leaving us, and what an army may be raised for our
adversaries out of these brave young men whom we are driving away. Pestilence may
naturally be expected to tread on the heels of famine. And who can say that we do not
deserve these scourges of the Almighty for our profanation of his Holy Altar."
This prophecy of the Cure was literally fulfilled, though he did not
live to see more than its commencement. The veteran army of France, formidable to the
whole world, had been every where victorious till it made war upon the Saints, and then it
experienced the most gloomy reverses. The soldiers appeared to be shorn of their strength
and God took from them their ancient valour. The glory of Louis, whose ambition aspired to
universal monarchy, departed from him when he raised his hand against God's elect, and he
lived to reap his reward in seeing himself despised as he deserved to he. Famine and
poverty covered the land, the gold and the silver disappeared and its place was supplied
by a species of enchanted paper, which still remains in their portfolios to remind them of
all that they have lost. And pestilence also has overtaken that doomed and wretched
nation. France! miserable France! my
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country, wilt thou never open shine eyes and unstop shine ears and understand, the
language in which God has spoken to thee? So long as his faithful sevants were cherished
in thy bosom, his blessing was upon thee, as it was upon Abinadab while the ark rested in
his house; but thou hast driven them forth with cruelties unheard of. and thy prosperity
has departed with them. The floods have gone over thee, O that thou wouldest return to the
Almighty and confess thy sins, and cease to forbid his true and pure worship; and his
blessing would return to thee, and thy days would be bright, and prosperity would again
appear within thy borders.
Sympathy for my dear native land has carried me away from my
conversation with Mr. Le Cure. To resume, I begged him not to draw upon himself the just
indignation of an injured and infuriated community. He deceived himself, I told him, if he
really believed as he had asserted that the dragoons would not come.
"If they do come," said I. "recollect the penalty you
will have to pay, you have given the people permission to burn you in your house. Now I
solemnly declare to you, that I have this day heard a man (a stranger to me) swear by all
that he held sacred, that if you had used deceit, he would roast you alive and carry the
news to Holland."
THE HUGUENOTS. 97
He turned pale at this, and said he had expressed himself so strongly,
in consequence of the promise he had received from the Intendant of Rochfort that the
dragoons should not come; and he took out his letter and gave it to me for perusal.
"Sir," said I "how came you to make yourself answerable
for the Intendant? Suppose he should not keep his word with you. Now as a friend I beseech
you, go to the people before it is too late, and retract what you have said, show the
letter to them, and they can attach what credit they like to it."
He thanked me for my advice and availed himself of it, going down at
once to the sea shore. During three days after this interview great numbers embarked, and
on the fourth the dragoons* made their
* The Protestants lost most of their
strong places during the reign of Louis XIII, and the remainder in that of Louis XIV, so
that they were entirely at the mercy of the King, and he promised to secure to them
liberty of conscience, and he kept his word until his latter days, when he began to think
more upon religious subjects, and under the influence of Madame de Maintenon, and his
Confessor La Chaise, he determined to convert all the Protestants in his dominions to
Catholicism. Colbert, the Minister of Finance, though a Catholic himself, estimated at its
real value the superior industry of the Huguenots, and he opposed violent measures
successfully so long as he lived. After his death in 1683, the monarch had no one to
restrain him, and the bigotted counsels of the Confessor and
9
98 A TALE OF
appearance. All who were left and did not mean to recant, fled and concealed themselves in
the woods.
the Chancellor Le Tellier and his son strengthened his own
resolves. Almost all the noblemen and courtiers recanted, and Louis thought he had only to
say the word, and their example would be followed throughout his dominions. Missionaries
were appointed, and furnished with large sums of money to make converts, they gave in
flattering reports of their success; but this method was thought too expensive, and a
cheaper plan was to be tried. All Protestants were excluded from public office, children
were allowed to recant at the age of seven years, and severe penalties were enacted
against relapse. This caused emigration, and those in power opened their eyes wide enough
to perceive that in the departure of seamen and artisans they were losing many of their
most valuable subjects, and to put a stop to it they issued an edict prohibiting
emigration on pain of death.
The Protestant Churches were next ordered to be demolished, and no less
than 700 were destroyed even before the revocation of the edict of Nantes.
The last measure adopted was that which has been known by the name of
'dragooning,'* and if we had not the most undoubted testimony on the subject, it would be
impossible to believe that such horrors could have been perpetrated under the mask of the
Christian religion.
* We believe that the use of the word dragoon as a verb, implying, to abandon to the rage of the soldiery, is actually derived from the cruelties practiced during these persecutions.
THE HUGUENOTS. 99
I left my house at midnight never to return to it, with my valet, and a
horse for each of us, and a portmanteau. I was well armed, and I resolved, if I did
encounter the dragoons, to sell my life as dearly as possible. My house was amply
furnished, and I had removed nothing. Two hours after my departure, eighteen dragoons took
possession of it, and lived there until they had consumed or sold every thing they could
lay hands upon, even to the locks and bolts of the doors.
I rode rapidly forward, choosing bye-ways with which I was well
acquainted in that part of the country. At break of day, approaching Jermosacq I met a
body of soldiers who had compelled the people re-
A day was appointed for the conversion of a certain district and the dragoons made their appearance accordingly, they took possession of the Protestants' houses, destroyed all that they could not consume or carry away, turned the parlours into stables for their horses, treated the owners of the houses with every species of cruelty, depriving them of food, beating them, burning some alive, half roasting others and then letting them go, tying mothers securely to posts and leaving their sucking infants to perish at their feet, hanging some upon hooks in the chimnies and smoking them with wisps of wet straw until they were suffocated, some they dipped in wells, others they bound down and poured wine into them through a funnel until reason was destroyed, and many other tortures were dieted, some even more horrible than the above named.
100 A TALE OF
maining in that place to do the duty of the times (as it was called,) and they were
hastening elsewhere to make more conversions. They came upon me so suddenly and
unexpectedly that I had no time to retreat, and I knew that if I were recognised it would
go very hard with me, but I thought it best to ride boldly forward and salute them as I
passed. My horses were noble animals, worthy of carrying a general officer and his aid de
camp; I had scarlet housings with black fringe, and holsters for my pistols, and though I
was dressed in black, I had taken the precaution of putting on a large periwig, and crepe
upon my hat in order to evade the suspicion that might otherwise have attached to my
dress. The officers (thanks be to God for it) took me for a country gentlemen, and
returned my salutation very civilly.
The first stoppage I made was at the house of my Aunt Jaguald (my
mother's sister,) she had not changed her religion, but her son had done so, to escape
dragooning. I spent one day and night with her, and strove to strengthen her faith, and I
have reason to believe that she remained firm to the day of her death.
I went next to Jonzac where I had two married sisters living, and sad
to relate, they had both recanted to avoid the dragoons. I continued my route, extremely
depressed towards St. Meslars to visit my
THE HUGUENOTS 101
youngest sister Anne, and there my heart was cheered to find her firm in faith, even
though her husband had changed his religion; and she never rested until she persuaded him
to leave France with her. After several days of sweet and delightful converse with this
dear sister, I went to St. Mesme to see Mr. Forestier and my sister Mary, but they had
already fled.
Wherever I went I tried to do some good, strengthening those who were
firm, and denouncing those who had fallen, trying if possible to persuade them to abjure
their abjuration. It was most distressing to see what numbers had made shipwreck of their
faith. Many persons, who had suffered persecution, lost all their property, and still did
not yield to the tempter, fell victims at last to the evil counsels of false friends, who
persuaded them that God having ordered them to honor and obey the King, they broke his
commandment by refusing to obey the King's Decrees; and thus they became idolatrous
renegades, adoring that which they well knew to be nothing more than a morsel of bread. I
was so grieved at the extent of defection that I fell sick, lost my strength and spirits,
and suffered much from billious vomitings. I often encountered parties of soldiers, and so
great was my depression that I should not have been sorry if they had attacked me, and
life had become so burdensome, that I would willingly have parted with mine, especially
9*
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if I could in the struggle have despatched some of the Ringleaders of the devil's armies.
You must know, though a poor soldier on foot being weakly and lame, I
was an excellent horseman, and a good shot. I could hit a mark at twelve or fifteen paces
with my horse at full gallop. One of my horses was an Arabian, remarkably fleet, and if I
gave him the bridle he would move with the swiftness of a race horse, stretching out his
legs and doubling them so as almost to touch the ground with his body, dazzling his
rider's eyes by his speed, but without any uneasiness from the motion. I knew that none of
the dragoons could overtake me when mounted upon him, and I determined if pursued to fight
like the Parthians; wait for any one of them who should distance the rest by the fleetness
of his horse, shoot him, and gallop off, charging my pistol to be ready for another. Thus
I may say I scarcely feared a whole company, for they could not come up to me in a body,
and one by one, I was certain I could dispose of several of them. In addition to this, I
was so well acquainted with the country, that it gave me a great advantage over them, and
in extremity I could avail myself of windings among the woods where no stranger would have
dared to follow. But my chief reliance has always been upon my Heavenly Father, I tried to
serve him to the best of my power,
THE HUGUENOTS 103
and in his infinite mercy he has protected me through many and great dangers. He even
obtained for me important assistance from the enemies of the Gospel as you will presently
perceive.
Having but little money with me, and no prospect of adding to my store,
I began to think a valet was rather too great an expense, and I dismissed him, and at the
same time hit upon an excellent plan for recruiting one of my horses, while I was
travelling about on the other. Between Jonzac and Jemosacq there was a castle belonging to
the Count of Jonzac, a great persecutor, as was the fashion among the courtiers. I used to
rest sometimes at a small Inn upon his estate, a very safe place, as I was personally
unknown, because being all papists there was no fear of dragoons appearing. Mine host was
a humane, simple peasant, and I told him that having some business to transact which
detained me from home, I should look upon it as a great favor if he would have one of my
horses put in the meadow below; he sent for the groom who took care of the Count's horses,
and he, seeing that something was to be gained, very readily consented. I used to return
there every week, or two, or three as might be convenient to me, and change my horse,
leaving the jaded animal to recruit in the meadow. I pursued this plan regularly for three
months at least, and during the
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whole time I found the people uniformly kind and faithful to me.
It was by no means uncommon for me to be six or seven days without the
opportunity of undressing myself, or so much as being able to draw off my boots; afraid to
venture abroad in the day time, I generally rode from place to place in the night.
My troubles were increased by the anxiety and uncertainty I felt about
the safety of Mademoiselle Boursiquot, your dear mother, to whom I had given my
affections, with every confidence of an equal return from her. I had at length an
opportunity of placing her in safety, and I conducted her to Mr. Brejon's. He was an
advocate who had changed his religion, and he held the office of man of business to the
Duke of Montausier, therefore I felt certain that his house must be as secure an asylum as
could be found.
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CHAPTER IX.
Revocation of Edict of Nantcs--Preparations for flight--Difficulties and dangers--Land in
England--Cheap bread--Speculate in grain--Cruelty of a ship Captain.
In the month of October, 1685, the Edict of Nantes* was actually revoked. Of course there
was
* Surely this act has been incorrectly termed the Revocation
of the Edict of Nantes. All its provisions had been repealed long ago by royal edicts and
ordinances, except the bare toleration of Protestantism in some few towns and districts.
The edict of 22d. October 1685 forbade all exercise of the reformed religion, ordered the
clergy to expatriate themselves within a fortnight, unless they would recant, and in that
case their incomes were to be increased one third, and continued to their wives. All
infants were required to receive popish baptism, and every one caught in the attempt to
escape (unless he was a minister) was condemned to the galleys for life.
In 1686, the enactments were still more severe. A Protestent taken in
the act of public worship was punished with death, and all Protestant clergymen whether
natives or foreigners were to be executed. To increase the vigilance of the soldiery, a
reward of three or four pistoles was given for every Protestant that was taken up.
In spite of the care with which the coast and frontiers were guarded,
it is believed that not less than 50,000 families made
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no choice left, flight was the only alternative, and I went to Marennes to make
preparations in good earnest, and was fortunate in finding an English Captain with whom I
was able to make a bargain. He agreed to take me, and four or five persons in addition, at
the rate of ten pistoles each, and we were to assemble at Tremblade for embarkation. I
went immediately to fetch your dear mother, her sister Elizabeth, and my niece Janette
Forestier; the latter was my god-daughter and course I felt it incumbent upon me to
provide for her safety. I mentioned our project to some few persons who I thought would
gladly have availed themselves of it, but their fear was stronger than their hope, and
they dared not venture to encounter so many dangers, the Coast being carefully guarded
both by sea and land to prevent emigration. We lodged at the house of a drunkard in
Tremblade, who being able to speak the English language was to be our pilot. His
imprudence and drunkenness combined made our position one of great danger while under his
roof. After several days of cruel suspense, the Captain desired us to be in readiness
their escape, and they enriched every land that received
them, carrying arts and manufacturies and industry in their train, and it has been
remarked by close observers that their descendants, up to this day, continue to be
distinguished for virtue and respectability.
THE HUGUENOTS 107
on the next, and told us that he intended to pass between the Isle of
Oleron and the main land, and that if we would be on the sands near the Forrest of Arvert,
he would send a boat ashore for us.
We set off in the night and had two horses to carry our little baggage.
In the course of the following day upwards of fifty persons assembled on the sands hoping
to embark with us; and most of them being very young, they had not taken due precaution to
conceal their intention, and it had reached the ears of the Papists, who very promptly
obtained an order from the Custom House, to prevent the vessel sailing. We waited
anxiously all day, in ignorance of the detention of the vessel, and while in this
distressing state of suspense I called them all around me and addressed them, and then I
put up a prayer suited to our conditon; and when you read it (you will find a copy among
my papers) you will feel certain that it must have been a prayer of the heart as well as
the lips.
The Cure of Tremblade had heard some rumour of what was going on, and
he set out for the shore with another person to look for us. They were on foot, and were
once so near to us that we actually saw their dog which was a little in advance of them,
when they were most providentially met by two fishermen who had seen us and sympathised
with us, and they
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purposely misled them. They enlarged to them upon the great danger they were in of losing
themselves amongst the sand hills, and undertaking to guide them, they led them
officiously to a path by which they would be sure not to find us.
At night horses were sent down for us to return to Tremblade, and
fifteen or twenty of our number were taken in by a citizen who had changed his religion.
He was in a dreadful fright, for there was a fine of 1,000 crowns for harbouring a
Protestant; and the houses of suspected persons were liable to be searched at any moment.
After concealing us the whole day, his fear got the better of his humanity, and towards
night he turned us out of his house; saying, "I have damned my own soul to see my
property, and I am not going to run the risk of losing it to save your souls. You must do
as I have done or take your chance elsewhere." We were depressed by this cruel
treatment, but we know not what is best for us, for in the sequel we found abundant reason
to bless God for it.
We had not left his house more than half an hour before a magistrate
and some soldiers went to it, and examined every part most carefully in search of secreted
Protestants. We did the best we could, one finding shelter here, another there, and we
experienced much greater humanity from the fishermen's
THE HUGUENOTS. 109
wives than from the rich people; and in the cottages of the former we spent the next four
or five days.
The Captain came to us again to say that he would sail most certainly
on the following day; that he would pass between the Islands of Re and Oleron, and if we
were disposed to venture out to sea in small boats, he would take us on board after he had
got rid of all visitors, Custom House officers, &c. and that he could not assist us in
any other way. That very evening the 30th. Nov., 1685, (French or new style) we embarked
in a little shallop as soon as it was dusk; our party consisting of your dear mother, your
aunt Elizabeth, Janette Forestier, myself, two young men from Bourdeaux, and six young
women from Marennes. Under cover of the night we passed by all the pinnaces that were
keeping guard, and the fort of Oleron, without being discovered; and at ten o'clock in the
morning we dropped our anchor to wait for the ship. We had instructed our boatmen that if
we were pursued they were immediately to run the boat ashore, abandon her, and then 'sauve
qui petit.' I was well armed ready for such an emergency, because I could place no
reliance upon my poor lame limb helping me in the hour of need, and I had resolved to
defend myself to the last gasp, and never to be taken alive. I was not put to the trial,
for God
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110 A TALE OF
guided us in safety, and closed the eyes of our enemies.
We had agreed with the English Captain that when we saw him, we should
make ourselves known by hoisting a sail and letting it fall three times, and he was to
answer our signal by lowering his mizzensail three times. About 3 o'clock in the afternoon
we first espied the vessel; she had the official visitors and pilot still on board. On
reaching the extreme point of the Isle of Oleron we saw her cast anchor, put out the
visitors and pilot, take her boat on board, get under weigh, and sail towards us. We now
felt a confidence that we had surmounted every difficulty, and expected in a very few
minutes to be under full sail for England. Our joy was of short duration, a King's Frigate
came in sight, and gradually approached us; she was one of those vessels constantly
employed on the Coast to prevent Protestants leaving the Kingdom, and all who were found
were seized, and the men sent to the galleys, the women to convents. No language can
describe our consternation at this sudden change in our prospects; a moment before the cup
of joy, was at our lips, and now dashed to the ground. We were at the distance of a cannon
shot from the Frigate, and what must she think of us; a little bit of a boat at anchor in
a
THE HUGUENOTS. 111
place which did not afford safe anchorage even for large shipping. She cast anchor,
ordered the English vessel to do the like, boarded her, and searched every nook and corner
without finding any French Protestants except a Minister and his family, whose departure
was authorised by law. What a blessing that we were not on board at this time! Had
the Frigate been only one hour later in appearing we should all have been lost. After the
search, the Englishman was ordered to sail immediately, the wind was favourable, and he
could make no excuse, and we had the misery of seeing him leave us behind.
Our situation was dreadful, we were in perfect despair, and knew not
what to do. To remain where we were would infallibly excite suspicion, and the Frigate
would send to overhaul us. If we attempted to return to Tremblade, the chances were a
hundred to one against our succeeding, and to add to our dismay our poor boatmen and his
son (our whole crew) wept aloud, deploring their misery, for they having already abjured,
knew well that nothing short of a halter awaited them if detected in the act of aiding
Protestants to make their escape. Through the whole course of my life prayer has been my
constant resource in every difficulty, and I betook myself to it on this occasion as
usual, and felt a persuasion that God
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would not suffer us to fall into the hands of his enemies and ours.
All at once I thought of a feint which, thank God, proved successful
and effected our deliverance. Having considered that the wind was fair to Rochelle, and
contrary to Tremblade, I said to the boatmen.
"Cover us all up in the bottom of the boat with an old sail, then
hoist your sail, and go right towards the Frigate, pretending to endeavour to gain
Tremblade; and if they should hail you from the Frigate, you must say you are from
Rochelle, and going to Tremblade; if they ask what you have on board; say, nothing but
ballast; and it would be well that you and your son should counterfeit drunkeness,
tumbling about in the boat, and then you can, as if by accident, let the sail fall three
times, and so inform the English Captain who we are." He determined to abide by my
counsel, and after covering us up, he actually sailed within pistol shot of the Frigate.
As I expected, she hailed him, and asked whence he came, whither he was
going, and what he had on board. To all which the replied as I had instructed him.
"But what made you cast anchor?" said they.
"In hopes," he said, " that the wind would change and I
might make Tremblade, but it is still too strong for me."
THE HUGUENOTS. 113
Just then the son fell down in the boat and dropped the sail, his father left the helm,
and instead of hoisting the sail at once, took a rope's end and pretended to chastise him,
the hard blows falling on the wood and making a great noise. The son cried out lustily,
and the people in the Frigate threatened that if the father would not have more patience
with his son, they would come and treat him in the same way. He excused himself, saying
that his son was as drunk as a hog, and he ordered him to hoist the sail a second time,
and he resumed his station at the helm; the son let the sail fall as soon as he had raised
it, and repeated the same manoeuvure a third time, and thus gave the English information
of who we were.
From the Frigate they entreated our boatman not to think of making for
Tremblade, that night was approaching and he would inevitably be lost, but recommended him
to return to Rochelle with the fair wind. This was exactly the advice we wished to
receive. Our course was altered, the boat was put before the wind, and we bade them adieu
very cordially. In the mean time, the English vessel had answered our signal and was
getting fairly out to sea, we dared not follow her because the Frigate remained at anchor;
but about twilight the boatman said we must make the attempt before night, or we should be
swallowed up by the waves. We had no sooner altered our
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course than we perceived the Frigate taking up her anchor and setting her sails; of course
we thought we had been observed, and that she was going to pursue us, and we again turned
towards Rochelle in great agony of mind. Instant death would to any of us have been
greatly preferable to capture. Knowing our own weakness and frailty, we feared persecution
might destroy our constancy. A few minutes put an end to our anxiety, for we saw the
Frigate steering towards Rochfort; so we again changed our course, the English vessel
slackened her rate; we overtook her, and were taken on board before the Frigate was out of
sight. A day never to be forgotten by us, who effected our escape from enemies, who had
not only power to kill the body but have destroyed an infinite number of souls also.
My dear wife and I have fully experienced the truth of that promise of
our Blessed Saviour, to give an hundred fold more even in this present life to those who
leave all to follow him. We have never wanted for any thing, we have not only been
supplied with necessaries, but comforts; and oftentimes luxuries also. Certain it is that
a man's life consisteth not in the abundance of the things that he possesseth, but in the
enjoyment he has of them, and it is in this sense that I would be understood, when I say
that we have received the hundred fold promised in the
THE HUGUENOTS. 115
Gospel; for we have had infinitely more joy and satisfaction in having lost our property
for the glory of God, than they can have had who have taken possession of it.
We had contrary winds, and were eleven days on the voyage; we suffered
somewhat from a shortness of provisions, especially water, but we dared not put into any
French port for a supply.
We landed on the 1st. December, 1685, (English or old style) at
Appledore, a small town in the Bristol Channel, below the river Taw which goes up to
Barnstaple. After paying for our passage, I had only twenty gold pistoles left, but God
had not conducted us in safety to a haven there to leave us to perish with hunger; the
good people of Barnstaple had compassion upon us, took us into their houses, and treated
us with the greatest kindness; thus God raised up for us fathers and mothers, and brothers
and sisters, in a strange land.
The first thing that struck me on my arrival in England was the extreme
cheapness of bread. What with sea sickness and short provisions on board ship, we had
suffered a good deal, and were well inclined to to eat as soon as we landed. After
returning thanks to God for our preservation, (of course our first act) we begged to have
some bread, and they brought us very large biscuits, which in France would have cost
A TALE OF 116
two pence a piece, and to my surprise I was told their price was only a halfpenny. I
doubted the fact, thinking I was misled by my ignorance of the language, so I gave a penny
to a little girl and asked her to buy me some bread. She went to the baker's, and sure
enough brought me back two of these large biscuits. It instantly occurred to me, that if I
had only some money at command to lay out in grain to send to France, I should realise a
large profit. 1 knew that there were some French Refugees at Plymouth who had brought
money with them, and I determined to borrow a horse and ride over there to suggest my plan
to them. I went round by Biddeford to ascertain at that Corn market the price of grain;
and aided by an interpreter, I found that for two shillings and sixpence or three
shillings, I could buy such a sack as in France would bring two crowns; and I also found
on inquiry that there was a drawback allowed at the Custom House on the exportation of
grain. My Plymouth acquaintances had already made a shipment to France, so I had my
trouble for nothing, and returned very pensively to Barnstaple.
Upon reflection I thought I might as well let mine host Mr. Downe have
the benefit of my knowledge on this subject. He was very kind to me, therefore it seemed a
duty to put him in the way of so advantageous a transaction. He entered into it very
readily, the
THE HUGUENOTS. 117
more so, from having been in trade in his youth; he had been to Spain once as supercargo
of a vessel, therefore my project was quite in his way. He said he would willingly risk
L300 or L400, and that I should have half the profit. I had some hesitation about
accepting his offer, because it might turn out loss, and not profit, and where was I to
find the means of paying him my share of the loss; but upon further consideration I
thought that if I insured my half, then I could conscientiously take advantage of his
generous proposal. I paid two and a half per cent for insurance both ways.
Our whole property consisted of twenty gold pistoles, a silver watch, a
gold chain, a pearl necklace, two diamonds, an emerald, and half a dozen silver spoons;
and surely, to look at it in the most unfavourable light, these would be enough to cover
any loss for which the Insurers were not responsible. In this list I name articles that
were the property of your mother as well as my own, because though we were not yet united,
we had such perfect confidence in each others' affection, that we felt as though we had
but one interest.
Mr. Downe chartered a vessel of about 50 tons, loaded her without
delay, and consigned her to Mr. Boursiquot (your uncle,) and Peter Robin, a distant cousin
of mine. You may guess their astonishment
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at receiving such a consignment from their relative, who had left his home so few weeks
ago in poverty. Had the vessel arrived sooner, the adventure would have been more
profitable, for the King had sent to foreign countries for grain, and his importation was
all to be sold before the cargoes belonging to private individuals could be opened.
Nevertheless, Peter Robin sold it for twice as much as it cost, and laid out the proceeds
in the best wines of Bourdeaux and Langon, which also paid a profit.
Mr. Downe prepared to make a second shipment, and was persuaded by some
of his friends that the the first cargo would have done better if it had been consigned to
a regular merchant, (the English seldom know when they are well off) and I from foolish
diffidence did not stand up for my cousin as I ought to have done; and the vessel, much to
my sorrow and our loss, was sent to a merchant at Marennes, who understood merchandise a
little too well for us, for all the profits were swallowed up by his enormous charges; and
instead of returning the best Bourdeaux wines as he was desired, he shipped the 'vin du
pays' which he took in the way of trade from the peasants, and he invoiced it at the price
of real good wine.
We made still another adventure, and ordered the return cargo to be of
salt; this was disastrous in the extreme. I lost more than I had gained and was
THE HUGUENOTS. 119
saddled with debt besides. I will give the particulars. The Captain, after taking in his
cargo, agreed to bring away some Protestants who had pretended to change their religion,
in order to gain time to turn their property into cash to carry away with them. They
unfortunately placed their money in the Captain's hands for safe keeping, and he at once
began to revolve in his mind how he could contrive to keep possession of the treasure. He
decided upon going to Spain as the best plan, and he let one or two of the sailors into
his confidence. They joined him in representing to the passengers that the wind was
contrary, and as it was impossible for them to shelter in a French port, they had better
stretch over to the Coast of Spain. When between Bilboa and St. Sebastion, the wind
and tide favouring their wicked designs they ran on the beach with every sail set, and the
vessel was a complete wreck. Here was an end of my cargo of salt, it returned to the sea
from whence it came.
The most horrible part of the story is yet to come, the Captain and
crew went ashore in the boat with the money, leaving the passengers to be drowned, every
wave going completely over the wreck; one of their number a lady of quality, who owned the
largest part of the treasure, wore a quilted petticoat which buoyed her up so entirely
that she might have
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floated ashore, had not the Captain seen her; he put off in his boat as though he would
have assisted her, and when he got within reach he plunged her under water and held her
down for a length of time, so that the petticoat, which had in the first instance resisted
the water, becoming saturated prevented her rising. Auri sacra fames quot pectora
cogis. After barbarously drowning those who had placed confidence in him, he sold the
wreck, went to Cadiz with his illgotten wealth, bought a share in a Spanish Privateer, and
went out in her as Captain, which is the last I ever heard of him.
My losses were so heavy that I was obliged to dispose of my watch, gold
chain, and silver spoons, and still all was not paid. These transactions occupied several
months, but as the commencement occurred immediately after my arrival, I have thought it
better to continue the account to its winding up, so as not to break the thread of the
history.
THE HUGUENOTS. 121
CHAPTER X.
Singular proposal from a lady--Marriage--Mode of living--Remove to Bridgwater--Assistance
from commitee-- Why discontinued--Application for relief--Unkind treatment--Receive Holy
orders--Attempt to recover property in France.
I HAVE already mentioned that I was hospitably received into the house of a Mr. Downe at
Barnstapie; this gentleman was a bachelor of some forty years of age, and he had an
unmarried sister living with him, who was about thirty three or thirty-four years old.
They were kindness itself, and I was as completely domesticated with them as if I had been
a brother. They were in very easy circumstances; the brother was worth L10,000 the sister
L3,000. This poor lady unfortunately took a great fancy to me, and she persuaded
herself that it would be an excellent thing for me to marry her and her brother to marry
my intended. I should have imagined that she would have had no difficulty in persuading
her brother to fall in love; for in those days your dear mother was very beautiful, her
skin was delicately fair, she had a brilliant color in her cheeks, high forehead
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and a remarkably intellectual expression of countenance, her bust was fine, rather
inclined to enbonpoint, and she had a very dignified carriage which some thought haughty,
but to me it appeared truly becoming in one of her beauty; altogether she seemed fitted to
captivate the most indifferent, yet, I am very sure, notwithstanding all her charms (and
those of her person were an index of her mind) that Mr. Downe only consented to court her
in order to oblige his sister.
Miss Downe opened her project to me one day, by observing that she
thought we must be two fools to think of marrying with no better prospect than beggary for
our portion. I took no notice of what she said, but she persevered, and frequently gave me
broad hints that I might do much better for myself. I was determined not to understand
her, and our languages being different I was able to appear ignorant of her views, until
one day her brother happened to enter the room when she was making an attack upon me, and
she requested him to explain the matter to me. Between Latin, French and English, he and I
could make ourselves very intelligible to each other. His sister's request evidently
embarassed him a good deal, he not being so much smitten as she was, though I am sure he
had every reason to be so; however, after a little hesitation he told me that his sister
wished to marry me, and that if I agreed to it, he would
THE HUGUENOTS. 123
be willing to take Miss Boursiquot for his wife. I should mention that Miss Downe's
personal appearance presented a strong contrast to that of her rival, she was short, thin,
sallow and marked with the small-pox. Mr. Downe was far from handsome, but much
better-looking for a man than his sister for a woman. By way of reply to this singular
proposition I produced our written promise, solemnly signed by both of us; but I added
that my love was so sincere that I could cheerfully resign my betrothed to a rich man, if
she thought it would be for her happiness, and that I would engage to deliver the message
to her with all possible fidelity.
I went that very evening to Mr. Fraine's where she was staying, and
executed the delicate commission with which I had been charged; and to tell the truth, I
was not altogether sorry that so good an opportunity should offer itself of discovering
whether her love for me was equal to mine for her. As soon as she had heard what I had to
say, she burst into tears, and was evidently under the impression that Miss Downe's
fortune had attracted me, and that I was anxious to break off our engagement. She gave me
no answer but her tears, so I repeated the message, and assured her that the gallant was
as much struck with her as the sister with me, and that she would have altogether the best
of the bargain, because Mr.
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Downe's property was more than three times as large as his sister's. She then made an
effort, and answered that I was free, she released me absolutely aid entirely from every
promise that I had ever made to her, and added that she was fully sensible that she was
under sufficient obligation to me already for saving her from persecution, without
condemning me to perpetual poverty by holding me to our contract; and as to the future,
she was contented to remain as she was, and wished to hear nothing more from Mr. Downe.
I was completely overpowered by this, and my tears flowed as fast as
hers. I then, with the utmost solemnity, asked her if she thought she could be contented
to join me in working for our living, and for the support of those whom God might give us;
and I called upon her to remember that poverty was a hard mistress, and that we should
probably have to suffer under it all our days; nevertheless if she was willing to run the
risk, I should be infinitely happier working with my hands for daily bread with her, than
living in wealth with any other woman on the face of the earth. She answered that every
thing I said found an echo in her heart.
This circumstance occasioned our marrying much sooner than we otherwise
should have done, for we were determined not to be annoyed by any more such
THE HUGUENOTS. 125
proposals, but to tye the knot at once, as we both so ardently desired it.
I returned to my Host and Hostess, and gave them such an answer as
might be expected from a person deeply in love; and I endeavoured to make them understand
that an affection of such long standing, and cemented by so much joint suffering and
anxiety as ours, could not be easily shaken. Our mutual promise was to be binding to death
under all circumstances except apostacy, and of that, thanks be to God, there was no
longer any danger.
Mr. Downe was a sensible man, and I verily believe he was on the whole
relieved by the issue of the negociation, not so the lady, she felt aggrieved, and was not
able to conceal her discomfiture.
We were married on the 8th. Febr. 1686. at the Parish Church of
Barnstaple. Mr. Fraine, at whose house my wife had lived from the day after our landing,
prepared an excellent banquet and invited almost all the French Refugees in the
neighbourhood to partake with us on our wedding day; and my friend Mr. Downe entertained
us all in the same style on the following day.
Our funds were very low, for I had paid L5 for insurance, and L3 for
the wedding ring and license, so that we could scarcely be much poorer than we were; and
you may judge of the strength of our
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attachment by our refusal of the fortunes offered to us; and you may also see what strong
confidence we placed in the good Providence of God, and blessed be his name! we have never
had reason to repent of the step. We lived for the first month or two in a furnished room;
then my valet Manseau contrived to send me from France a feather bed and several cover
lids, and my sister Forestier made us a present of some linen, and upon this addition to
our possessions we veutured to hire a small house in a back street. The inhabitants of the
town were generous in the extreme, they sent us all things essential for a small family,
so that our house was furnished without costing us a farthing, and their liberality did
not stop here; every market day meat, poultry, and grain came in abundance without our
knowing to whom we were obliged, and during the six or eight months that we lived there, I
only bought one bushel of wheat, and had two left when we removed.
Our good cheer costing us little or nothing, we gladly ministered to
the necessities of those French Refugees who did not experience the same kindness.
Many also who disliked English cookery were glad to partake of my soup and bread, they
would first assist in cooking and then in eating the food. This mode of living might be
very agreeable to some persons, but it did not suit my wife or me; every gift
THE HUGUENOTS. 127
made us feel our painful dependence, and we looked around us eagerly hoping to see some
plan by which we could live without charity.
I availed myself of the first opportunity that offered, and accepted a
situation in the family of Sir Halsewell Tynte, who lived two miles from Bridgewater. I
was to receive (pounds) 20 per annum, and I thought this would maintain my wife, as I was
to eat at Sir Halsewell's table. When I had been with him four months, I hired a small
house in Bridgewater to bring my family nearer to me, and I went to fetch them. Our
numbers were now increased by the birth of James our first-born, which had taken place
during my absence. The restraints imposed upon me were so irksome, and your dear mother as
well as myself suffered so much from our separation, that I determined to give up my
employment and return to my wife; preferring the coarsest fare with her for my companion
to the continual feasts at Sir Halsewell Tynte's.
Exertion of some kind for a livelihood was absolutely necessary; we
tried a little shop in Bridgewater, but our efforts were not crowned with success; the
expenses we incurred were greater than any profit that we were able to realise.
You may be surprised that in my difficulties I received no assistance
from the fund collected for
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distribution among the suffering French Refugees; so I will tell you the reason of it,
tracing it from the very commencement. As soon as my friends in London were apprised of my
arrival, they brought my case (unknown to me) before the Committee, and Mr. Maureau, my
advocate at Saintes, drew such a picture of my zeal and constancy that there was no
opposition made to placing my name in the list of Ministers, although only a Candidate,
and I was to receive L30 per annum. The first I knew of it was the receipt of a letter
from Mr. Maureau, congratulating me on my escape, and enclosing L7, l0s. as the first
quarter of a pension that the Committee had granted me; and he added, that before I could
receive the second quarter, it was necessary that I should commune according to the rites
of the Church of England, and send a certificate thereof to the Committee.
I who had but just escaped from the Tempter, felt alarmed at this mode
of entitling myself to receive charity. I had previously communed very cordially with the
English after the manner of the Established Church, without the least scruple of
conscience, but when it became the condition on which I was to receive the charities of
the Kingdom, the case was altered; I who looked upon the Communion as one of the most
sacred mysteries of our holy religion, which
THE HUGUENOTS. 129
it was not lawful to approach with any other view than to receive thereby the benefits of
the sacrifice of the death of Christ, seeing that it was imposed upon me for pecuniary
purposes, doubted very much whether any spiritual benefit could be derived from a
Communion received for the express purpose of procuring a pension. It seemed to me a very
Papistical proceedings, much like what I had seen in France,-- "Come to Mass and you
shall be exempted from Dragoons." I had hitherto found nothing offensive in the
Church of England, I then studied it very carefully, and all its doctrines as set forth in
the articles I heartily embraced, but its Church Government, especially the point so much
insisted upon of Episcopacy by divine right, seemed to me to have too strong a resemblance
to Popery.
I might have gotten over these objections, perhaps if I had not learnt
their cruel persecution of their brother Calvinists, only for differing, upon the subject
of Episcopacy,* and some ceremonies which were in themselves of no great importance.
I found that the poor Presbyterian Ministers had been im-
* It is not surprising that a foreigner should
confound the conscientious members of the Church of England with the disguised Papists who
were so numerous in the days of Charles II. and James II., by whom the Calvinists were
persecuted.
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prisoned, fined, and deprived of their employments, because they would not consent to
receive Episcopal ordination, in conformity with the laws passed in the reign of Charles
II., and furthermore, I was told by the Presbyterians that the unfortunate people who had
been executed after Monmouth's rebellion, a few days before our arrival, and whose heads
and quarters I saw exposed on all the towers, gates, and cross roads, looking absolutely
like butcher's shambles, had many of them no other crime than that of being
Presbyterians.* I confess that all these circumstances combined, gave me a prejudice
against the Established Church, and the use which it was proposed to me to make of the
Holy Sacrament went so much against my conscience, that I have never yet sent the
necessary certificate to receive the second quarter of my pension.
I have another serious fault to find with the distributing Committee.
The fund placed at their disposal arose from the voluntrary contributions of the whole
English nation, and I believe the Nonconforists had been as liberal as the Episcopalians,
and yet no one was relieved who did not hand in a certi-
*This has evidently been a party statement, and
according to history must have been untrue, for Monmouth's rebellion was an effort to
subvert the government, and had no religious object.
THE HUGUENOTS. 131
ficate of his being a member of the Church of England, and surely this was unjust.
At one time, ground down by poverty, my spirit was so humbled that I
went to London to make a personal application to the Committee, and my friends advised me
to call upon certain Deans and other high dignitaries who were the most influential
members of the Committee. My garments were old and shabby, and I found it difficult to
gain an entrance to any of the great houses. The footman would leave me waiting a long
time in the entry like a common beggar, and at last return to inform me that his Reverence
was not then at leisure to see me. I would call again and again, till weary of opening the
door, the servant, to avoid further importunity, would obtain for me the desired audience,
and accompanying me through divers richly furnished apartments, watching carefully lest I
should steal some of the plate that was piled up on the sideboards, introduce me to the
apartment where the Dean was sitting. He enquired what I wanted with him, not even asking
the poor beggar to take a seat.
In as few words as possible I told him my situation and sufferings, and
was opening my papers, but he refused to read any testimonials; saying, the subject would
come before the Committee.
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The necessities of those who were dearer to me than life so lowered my pride, that I made
a round of such visits as these, but it was all in vain, the money was for Episcopalians
only.
Mr. Maureau, who held the office of secretary to the Committee, took up
my cause very warmly. "You will not," said he, "suffer so worthy a
man to be reduced to extremity with his wife and two children, a man who has shown that he
counted his life as nothing when the glory of God was in question, and who generously and
voluntarily exposed himself to uphold the faith of a number of poor country people.
Perhaps there are not four Ministers who have received the charity of the Committee who
have done so much for the cause of true religion as he has."
All this was to no purpose so long as I was a Presbyterian. "He is
a young man," said they, "let him get a situation as a servant, his wife can do
the same, and we will take care of his children in the house we have hired for the
purpose."
I was directed to go to the grand Almoner to receive an answer, and
when he gave me the above, my eyes filled with tears, I felt indignant, and answered
hastily that he ought to have put himself in my situation, according to the commandment in
the New Testament, before he undertook to give me such
THE HUGUENOTS. 133
cruel advice. His wife happened to be present, and turning to her, I said, "Madam, I
sincerely pity you to be united to a man who can speak with so much indifference of
separating husband and wife," and (knowing they had no family) I added that I adored
the wisdom of God who had not thought fit to give him children, seeing he felt it so easy
a matter to part with them; but before I would place mine under his guardianship, and give
up the spouse whom I regarded as one of the choicest blessings God had bestowed upon me, I
would dig the ground all day as a common labourer, in order to share with them at night
the bread that I had earned by the sweat of my brow. I had L3 given to me, which I was
told was the last I could expect to receive, and I returned home sadly cast down, having
spent from L7 to L8 upon the necessary expenses of travelling and making this fruitless
application.
Some charitable Presbyterians, hearing of my distress, made a
collection for me in their congregation which was a great help. You may be sure my
feelings were still more soured towards Episcopalians, and I felt convinced by bitter
experience that opposition and ill treatment, for difference of opinion, have a much
greater tendency to widen the breach than to bring our opponents over to our way of
thinking.
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134 A TALE OF
I had always been in the habit of family worship, and when we removed
to Taunton three or four French families wished to join us, so I thought I ought to
receive authority according to the ordinances of man, and I presented myself to the
Presbyterian Synod assembled at Taunton, exhibiting testimonials which I had brought from
France of my manner of life, education and sufferings, and after examination, I received
Holy Orders from that body on the 10th of June, 1688. I was determined rather to labour
with my hands and preach the Gospel of Christ in simplicity and purity, than to wound my
conscience by joining the Episcopalians.
I found by accident, among my papers brought from France, half a sheet
of stamped paper, entirely blank; and it occurred to me, that it might be the means of
recovering some of the property I had left in France; and as Peter Robin had been faithful
to me in his management of the consignment of wheat, he was the person I looked to as an
agent. I signed my name at the foot of the sheet, and sent it to him, telling him to make
use of it for my benefit, filling up the blank with a sale or lease of my estate to some
one, and to antedate it so as to appear to have been executed previously to my leaving
France. The letter precaution was necessary to prevent the King
THE HUGUENOTS. 135
seizing upon it. I received no answer, but from other sources I have heard that the said
Robin has lived upon my estate from that time, and considered it as his own; he took
advantage of the too great confidence I had placed in him by sending my blank signature,
and he has cheated me and my heirs after me; because he can produce the deed of sale
signed by my own hand.
I would have you observe that I was miserable enough to request him to
execute a false deed for me, in order that I might obtain something from the property I
had left in France. He did execute the false deed as I desired, but it was for his own
benefit, not mine. I recognise in this as in every thing else the justice of the just
Judge of the Universe. I was punished as I deserved to be. At the same time, as God
directs all things for the good of those who love him and serve him with faith and
humility of heart, I think I can perceive that he has extracted from my sin a great
advantage to my family. It puts it out of the question for any of my descendants to return
to the Babylon whence he has withdrawn me, in the hope of enjoying a fine estate, as many
of the children of Huguenot Refugees have done. This property is irrecoverably lost. It is
very desirable that we should not be exposed to temptation, but at the
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same time, I will say that I feel a strong confidence that none of you would have been
seduced into returning to idolatry for the sake of money, and I trust you will so instruct
your children after you, that the love of God, and his true religion, may be perpetuated
in our family to the remotest generation.
THE HUGUENOTS. 137
CHAPTER. XI.
Remove to Taunton--Keep shop--Manufactory--Very prosperous--Summoned before the
Mayor--Defence--Recorder's speech--Discharge.
I removed to Taunton for the purpose of teaching the French language,
finding that I could obtain some pupils there. Our plan was to keep a shop also, and we
were in great hopes that with both together we should be able to pay our way.
I borrowed L100 from a friend. I found the wholesale dealers in Bristol
and Exeter very accommodating in the credits they granted me. As fast as I sold the goods
I paid for them, and I was then allowed to take a fresh supply on credit; and in this way
we gradually increased in our dealings until we had a stock of one thing or other to the
amount of L400.
About this time two Frenchmen called upon me whom I had known in great
distress in Bridgewater, and I had there solicited charity for them, at the same time
advising them to learn a trade so as to rake themselves independent for the future; and I
12*
138 A TALE OF
had suggested their binding themselves to some of the French manufacturers of light stuffs
in Bristol, and assured them they would have to ask charity no more. They had taken my
advice, and at the end of two years they visited me expressly to return their thanks. I
did not recognise them; the rags and tatters in which they had formerly appeared had given
place to decent and respectable clothing. They told me they were the persons whom I had
recommended to learn a trade, that they had done so, and now all they wanted was a small
advance from somebody, and they would work for half the profits. They urged me to
undertake it, and they said L20 would suffice to buy worsted, yarn and dyes, and that they
themselves had wherewithal to buy tools, and that if I would make the advance for them,
they would work two years for me, and be contented with half the profit on the work. I
consented to it, and as I did not wish to cramp the business of the shop, I borrowed the
L20 from a widow lady at Bridgewater.
Behold me now not only a teacher of languages, and a shopkeeper, but a
manufacturer also.
One of these Frenchmen had formerly been a pickpocket in London; and
had quitted the employment solely from apprehension of punishment; he was a very skilful
workman, he would accomplish more in a given time than two others and it would also be
THE HUGUENOTS. 139
better finished. He was the chief manager, and used to go to Exeter to purchase the
worsteds, and he made excellent bargains. I trusted him frequently with L20 and L25 at a
time for this purpose, and he was uniformly correct in all his dealings with me. He once
told one of his fellow workmen, that he had been often strongly tempted to run away with
the money, and then he would say to himself. "What! steal from a man who has been so
invariably kind to me, and who places so much confidence in me! No, I cannot do
it." When he left me, I understood he returned to London, and fell into bad
habits again.
At the end of three months, I knew much more than the workmen did. I
invented new patterns, and taught them how to execute them. When the first year was ended,
we had gained something; but instead of L20, I had fully L80, employed in the manufactory.
In dividing the profits, the workmen quarrelled so much amongst themselves, that they
proposed of their own accord, that I should pay them regular wages, and carry on the
business altogether on my own account.
Every thing now seemed to prosper with me. I hired the handsomest shop
in Taunton, opposite the cross in the Market place, and I was able to furnish it with so
great a variety, that it was always filled
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with customers; and my wife and two boys to assist her, found ample employment. I
manufactured stuffs in the upper part of the house which were sold below at a profit. I
went once a quarter to Bristol and Exeter to purchase groceries, and pay off the old debt.
I determined to sell Malaga and Alicant raisins at the same price retail that I bought
them wholesale, and I did the same with needles. Every body knew the value of these
articles, and the sale of them did not altogether amount to any great sum. One said to
another, you will find beautiful raisins at the Frenchman's for such a price; so they came
to see if it was true, and probably bought ten or twelve shillings worth of other
articles, as well as the cheap raisins, and thus we found our account in it.
The other shopkeepers said I should be a bankrupt in a very short time,
for I sold the raisins at the same price they paid in Bristol, without reckoning the
expense of carriage, loss of weight, &c. This sort of talk only increased our
business, for the people thought they would buy whatever they wanted before I was ruined.
When any of my friends asked me privately why I sold so cheap, I told them that I found it
to answer, and repeated the common proverb, "Light gains make a heavy purse."
I procured from the French manufacturers in Holland, linens, galloons,
thread, needles, and tin and
THE HUGUENOTS. 141
copper ware, all which, cost me much less than if I had bought them in England. Beaver
hats were made by only two persons in Exeter, they were both French Refugees, and supplied
no one but myself in our town, and again, I had the best of French brandy, pure and
unadultrated, whereas the English generally played tricks with theirs. In short, stranger
as I was, I had more custom than any other shop in the town.
For some time my competitors had patience, in the hope each day that
the next would see me put the key under the door; instead of that, I was more and more
prosperous.
I had just begun to breathe freely, and feel comfortable, when they
commenced a prosecution, and summoned me to appear before the Mayor and Court of Aldermen.
The Mayor was a wool-comber, who come originally to the town with a
single groat. He worked a long time as a boy comber, then he married his master's servant,
scraped together a little money, and began business on his own account; and at the age of
thirty six or thirty seven years, he learnt to read and write a little. At length having
acquired L7,000 or L8,000, he had thereby obtained honors, and this was the third time he
had filled the office of Mayor.
The Aldermen had generally received similar edu-
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cation; some were workmen in wool, others shopkeepers, and as I employed people in my
little woollen manufactory, and sold almost every thing that any of them did, I certainly
had interfered more or less with the trade of all, and could not look for any favorable
judgment from such judges.
Only one man in all this body had received a good education, and he was
the Recorder, and could govern this cohort at his will. I had frequently been in his
company, and we had had very interesting conversations on philosophical and theological
subjects, and I had reason to believe that he esteemed me.
When I appeared, they accused me of various misdemeanours. I was a
sharper, a Jack of all trades, against whom there was universal complaint. I had the wool
combed. I dyed it myself, I had it spun and woven, I then retailed it in my shop. I sold
all sorts of things except apothecaries drugs. The grocers complained that I sold a better
article retail, than they could buy wholesale. The dealers in tin and copper were ready to
shut up shop, and go to the Parish if I did not close mine. Those who dealt in brandy and
vinegar set all day with their arms crossed, while we could scarcely measure fast enough.
The hatters could sell no more, since I sold the Caroline and French beaver hats.
Stockings of St.Maixant destroyed the hosiers. The drapers were
THE HUGUENOTS. 143
idle all the time since I had introduced chamois leasher dyed of all colors, a pair of
breeches of which lasted as long as three pair made of cloth and looked better. In short,
they were obliged to pay government taxes and town rates, to which the stranger was not
subjected and yet he pocketed all the profits; besides, he was a Jesuit in disguise, who
said mass in his own house every Sunday; as well in one word, as a thousand, he is a
French dog who takes the bread out of the mouths of the English. To hear them you would
have supposed I was as rich as a Jew.
I attended without an attorney to reply in person to these enormous
accusations, and felt no alarm as to the result.
Mr. Mayor came to the point at once, and asked if I had served an
apprenticeship to all these trades.
This question was quite to the purpose, for by law no man can carry on
a trade to which he has not served an apprenticeship.
I rose without any embarrassment, and answered in a tone loud enough to
be heard all through the Court. "Gentlemen, in France a man is esteemed according to
his qualifications, and men of letters and study especially, if they conduct themselves
with propriety, are honored by every body, even though they should not be worth a penny.
All the nobility, the lords, marquises and dukes, take great
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pleasure in the society of such persons. In fact, there, a man is thought fit for any
honorable employment if he be but learned. Therefore, my father, who was a worthy Minister
of the Gospel, brought up four boys, of whom I was the youngest, in good manners and the
liberal arts, hoping that wherever fortune might transport us, our education would serve
instead of riches, and gain us honor from persons of honor. All the apprenticeship I have
ever served from the age of four years has been to turn the leaves of a book. At twenty
two years old, I took my degree as Master of Arts, and since that time I have devoted
myself to the study of the Holy Scriptures.
"Hitherto I had been thought worthy of the best company wherever I
had been; but when I came to this town, I found that science without riches was regarded
as a cloud without water, or a tree without fruit, in one word, a thing worthy of supreme
contempt; so much so, that if a poor ignorant wool-comber or hawker, were to amass money,
he would be honored by every body, and be looked upon as the first man in the town. I have
therefore, Gentlemen, renounced all speculative science, and have become a wool-comber,
and a dealer in pins and laces, hoping that I may one day attain wealth, and be also one
of the first men in the town."
THE HUGUENOTS. 145
At this there was a general laugh throughout the assembly, with the
exception of the Mayor and some of the Aldermen.
The Recorder himself lost his gravity for a few moments, and joined in
the mirth. Then rising, he reminded me of the Town Clerk of Ephesus, for there was a
profound silence as soon as he stretched out his hand.
"Gentlemen, said he, King Charles II. of blessed memory, issued a
declaration of such a date, where by he invited the poor Protestants, persecuted in France
for the cause of the Gospel, to take refuge in his kingdom, not most assuredly, to let
them die of hunger, but rather that they might live amongst his subjects; thus you see
that they are entitled to every privilege that we enjoy. Suppose that Mr. Fontaine and his
family had no means of gaining a livelihood and they were famishing in the midst of us, we
must feed them. By law, the Parish would be charged with them, for you could not send him
to his birthplace, therefore you must consider him as born in the place where he resides.
And if Mr. Fontaine, although he was brought up to nothing but study, yet in the desire he
had to live independently without being burdensome to you, humbled himself so low as to
become a mechanic, a thing very rarely seen among learned men (as I know him to be by the
con-
13
146 A TALE OF
versations I have had with him,) do not you think the Parish is obliged to him for every
morsel of bread he earns for his family? To pretend to prevent his gaining a livelihood
would be as cruel as to murder him and his babes, unless, you his accusers intend to raise
a fund to settle an annuity upon him and his family for life. Strangers are entitled to
justice as much as our neighbours are. When he has an income secured to him, I will
answer for him, that he will leave mechanical occupations, and gladly resume his
intellectual labors."
He paused a while; no one breaking the silence, he resumed;--" It
is a strange thing, Gentlemen, none of you offer to give him bread, and yet you are not
willing to let him earn it for himself. Shall it be said that there are but one or two
families of poor Refugees settled in this town, who have abandoned country, friends,
property, and every thing sweet and agreeable in this life for their religion, and the
glory of the Gospel, and instead of cherishing these people, and treating them as the
suffering members of our Saviour Jesus Christ, and providing for them tenderly and
abundantly by our charities we would even hinder them from gaining a living by their
labor? There is not a Turk in Turkey so barbarous."
Then turning round, he addressed himself to me.
THE HUGUENOTS. 147
"Go, there is no law that can disturb you, I will answer for it. We return you thanks
for the bread you earn. God bless you and your labor!"
I answered, "May the Lord bless you also!"
The Court resounded with thousands "God bless you Mr.
Fontaine!"
Here was an end of the law proceedings, but not of the malice, for the
Mayor and his party hated me the more for having contemned them in the face of the whole
town. They continued to annoy me in every way that they possibly could; if I gained five
pence, they magnified it to as many guineas, and charged me for taxes to the utmost extent
of their power.
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CHAPTER XII.
Revolution of 1688--Landing of the Dutch--Unexpected visitor--Soldiers billeted on
me--Retire from business--Endeavour to make Calimancoes--Profit upon them--Instruct a
crippled weaver--Secret discovered--Visit Dublin and Cork--Shipwreck-- Place sons in
Holland--Increase of family.
A SHORT time after the prosecution related in the last chapter, the
glorious Revolution of 1688 commenced. I felt very anxious about the effect it might have
upon the welfare of me and mine. I had a vivid recollection of the end of the Monmouth
rebellion, for they were still hanging and quartering when I landed in England.
The Prince of Orange was welcomed at Exeter by the same party that had
declared for Monmouth. Three sorry-looking Dutchmen took possession of Taunton without the
slightest show of resistance from any quarter; and the common people hailed their arrival
as a joyous event.
The Mayor and Aldermen, who were most decided Jacobites, held aloof to
watch the issue, contenting
THE HUGUENOTS. 149
themselves with noting down all persons who appeared to favour the Dutch, expecting to
have them hanged after a while, as those had been who joined the Duke of Monmouth.
I felt certain that whichever side I might espouse, my name would have
a prominent place in the list of culprits, and I was the more convinced of this from the
story that was propagated about me.
On the arrival of a company of soldiers at Taunton, they were informed
that there was a French Jesuit in the place, who said mass in his house every Sunday. It
so happened that the Captain of this company was a French Refugee, who had settled in
Holland, and entered the army of the Prince of Orange; he determined to be the first to
seize the French Jesuit, and being directed to my house, he was before the door with a
guard of soldiers at so early an hour, that none of the family were stirring except a
female domestic who was a Frenchwoman. From her the Captain enquired who lived in that
house.
She replied--"Mr. Fontaine, a minister from Royan, lives
here."
The Captain immediately desired her to go to my room and and tell me
that Captain Rabainieres was below, anxious to embrace me. I only waited long enough to
put on my robe de chambre, and went
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down to welcome this dear friend who had lived within four or five miles of my residence
in France. We embraced each other with the warmth of fraternal affection, and he
introduced me to his brother-officers, who at once tendered their friendship with the
assurance of any service in their power. I cannot pass on without calling your attention
to this, as one of the many instances wherein the providence of God watched over and
shielded me from threatened danger.
A crowd had collected to enjoy the sport of seeing the French Jesuit
hung on the spot, and when they witnessed the warmth of our salutations, they cried out
that they were ruined, for those whom they had looked upon as their liberators must be
Papists also.
From my never attending the Parish Church, the idea had prevailed that
I was really a Jesuit, and some of those persons who envied my prosperity had been at no
small pains to confirm the impression, and many of the common people believed it so firmly
that it was a great disappointment to them not to see me hanged.
The officers went to the door to disperse the populace, and told them
that I was a good Protestant, probably better than most of them; and when they went away
they left soldiers at my door as a precautionary measure for fear of violence.
THE HUGUENOTS. 151
When several more of King William's regiments were quartered in the
town, you may rest assured I was not forgotten in the billeting of them upon the
inhabitants.
I complained to the Mayor that two had been sent to me, and that it was
unusual to quarter soldiers upon a minister. He heard me patiently, but I had no sooner
got home than two more soldiers presented me a billet.
I went to complain a second time and I was answered that full justice
would be done by me; and directly I reached home four more came to me. I did not complain
a third time for fear of having sixteen to feed instead of eight. They were with me three
weeks, and I did the best I could by them, explaining to them my situation.
The times were so ticklish and the town Magistrates so decidedly
anxious to put every difficulty in my way, that I thought I had better examine into my
affairs, and withdraw from all large transactions for the present, and content myself with
the school I kept. I worked hard for many nights making out an inventory and putting every
thing down at a low valuation, and I was pleased to find that there was enough to pay
every body, and a little to spare. I sent some of my manufactures to the wholesale dealers
from whom I had bought on credit, and desired
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they would sell them, and pay themselves out of the proceeds, and return me any balance
that there might be. This arrangement was satisfactory to all parties, for the times were
very hard, and they had not felt quite certain of my stability.
As soon as it was understood that I wished to dispose of my shop and
stock in trade, a young man came forward, expecting to do wonders from the exaggerated
accounts he had received of my business. He took every thing at the cost price as entered
on my books, and in March 1689, he paid me L400, for all and every thing. With this sum I
at once paid the wholesale dealers as far as it would go, so that after they had sold my
goods they were indebted to me, and I left the money in their hands until the troubles
should be at an end, in order that I might then have a little leaven to begin again upon
with renewed vigour.
I felt very grateful to my Maker for his blessing upon my labors, which
had enabled me to pay every thing that I owed, including that disastrous voyage which had
caused a debt that hung heavily upon me until I was able to pay it. And in addition to
this, I was sole owner of all the tools and utensils necessary for manufacturing stuffs;
we had comfortable furniture; and L14 in cash. This had not been accomplished without
considerable fatigue and anxiety
THE HUGUENOTS. 153
both to your mother and myself. But what will not parents do for their children !
I found keeping a school but an ungrateful employment, I was soon tired
of it; and the more so, because it barely procured a maintenance for us, and would not be
equal to the wants of our increasing family.
James II. having taken refuge in France, and the nation having received
William and Mary as King and Queen; things began to assume a settled aspect, and I thought
it was tune for me to exert myself again.
At Norwich there was a sort of stuff made, which was very fashionable
and substantial, called Calimanco, and I determined to make an attempt to imitate it;
having never you know served any apprenticeship, it was all the same to me; and my brain
must be drawn upon for whatever I undertook. I thought it better to try to make something
new instead of going on in the old style; for the serge which we had made before was now
out of fashion, and those who manufactured it scarcely earned salt to their porridge; but
then they had served an apprenticeship to it, and working altogether mechanically and not
with the understanding, they were really incapable of putting their hands to any thing
else. I was assailed by an almost insurmountable
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difficulty at the outset. The Norwich stuff was made of extremely fine worsted double
twisted; now there was not in Taunton a spinner who could spin so fine, nor a weaver who
knew how to weave it, no machinery suitable for the manufacture, nor a person who knew how
to construct it; and I had never seen any. I saw at the same time that if money was to be
gained by manufacturing, this was the stuff that ought to be made. As I could not get the
worsted spun fine enough to allow of doubling and retwisting it, I must try how it could
be managed with a single thread.
I engaged a weaver who was out of employment, and apparently docile; I
made all the machinery, and put it up with my own hands, and spent a couple of hours every
day trying to instruct him; and for three months this went on, altering the thread and
machinery about once a fortnight, and still not an inch of the desired fabric was
produced; and I was paying the weaver his full wages all the time.
After this a young man came to solicit charity from me, he was in the
greatest distress, his wife was hourly expecting her confinement, and they were absolutely
penniless. He said if I would give him employment, I should never have reason to repent
it, he would spare no pains to please me, and that his extreme need might convince me of
the assiduity
THE HUGUENOTS. 155
with which he would labor for anybody who would help him at this pinch. I took him and his
wife into my house, and fed the two, and soon three of them. I fitted up a loom for him to
try what he could do, and he entered into all my plans, working night and day with
unceasing industry, for he knew that upon his success depended his earning a comfortable
living for his wife and child.
At the end of a fortnight, after trying seven or eight different plans,
we produced a yard of Calimanco which looked very well, but being made of single thread,
it had no more substance than serge. It was necessary for me to set my wits to work again,
to try to find some plan by which I could produce a substantial fabric out of the
materials that were at my command, and thus I contrived it. I made the warp, which
appeared all on the right side, of fine wool coarsely spun; and the weft of very coarse
wool, combed like fine wool, and spun coarsely and compactly. The second piece was begun
on this plan just two months after I took the family into my house. The first piece only
sold for three pence a yard, but we did not tell any body how long we had been in making
it.
I kept a most exact account of all that I expended in these fruitless
attempts, and the first sale only served to make my inmate discreet, and he never
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asked for money but when it was absolutely necessary.
He was more expert with the second piece, having learnt the process; he
was able to make half a yard, and then a yard in a day; and when it came out of the frame
it appeared handsome, and as strong and substantial as the real Norwich; but when it came
home from the mill where it was pressed it looked like nothing better than a coarse
coverlid, great strong hairs sticking out in all directions. I recollected when I was at
school often going to a hatter's shop which was opposite to warm myself; and I used to see
them burn off the long hairs from the hats with a wisp of straw; so I thought that would
be the mode of remedying the defect in my calimanco. A hat can be easily turned round in
the hand to apply the flame, not so a piece of stuff; a machine must be made for the
purpose of doing it with certainty and regularity. This piece however I determined to
singe as well as I could without waiting for a machine. I had to call in the aid of my
wife and her sister, and they laughed so heartily at my dilemma that I felt almost
discouraged. I wet the piece so as not to burn the stuff as well as the hairs, and my wife
and sister held it, while I passed the blazing wisp of straw over it. At last we finished,
and then I had the right to laugh, for after washing
THE HUGUENOTS. 157
and pressing, it looked beautiful; I sent it to Exeter, and the draper allowed me two
shillings and sixpence a yard for it, and I found I could make it for fifteen pence. Here
was an ample reward for all my trouble and expense.
My workman improved and made it better and better every day, and I
agreed to pay him four pence halfpenny for every yard he made in future, and he was soon
able to produce ten or twelve yards in a day. I also employed again the man who had worked
unsuccessfully for so long a time, and he accquired it after a while. I now hired a shop
for the sale of my manufactures; and I took from my old tradesmen all the articles I
wanted, paying them with my own goods. I took more workmen into my employment, binding
them not to work for any one else, or to teach the art, under a penalty of L10. They were
all willing to enter into such an agreement, because they could earn just three times as
much by my work as by making serge.
When I had the machine made for singeing the hairs, I employed
different mechanics to make the various parts, so that not one of them knew the use of
that which he was making; and I put all together myself. It consisted of two large
rollers, and the piece was wound gently, off the one, and upon the other, and fire applied
during its passage; and when
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both sides were singed, it was washed in the river, and pressed, and really had much the
appearance of the true calimancoes; the strength of the coarse worsted gave it substance,
and the fineness of the warp gave it lustre. You will believe that this was great slavery
to me, for as the secret must be kept, it was necessary that I should do this part myself.
My wife turned the spit, and I roasted the joint.
In seven or eight months, I kept from twelve to fifteen looms
constantly at work. The old fashioned nanufacturers of serge were rather envious, and
looked upon me almost as a sorcerer. Their astonishment at my inventive genius was
increased by an incident which I will relate.
I heard accidentally of a poor weaver who had lost a leg, and in
consequence of it, he was, according to the general opinion, incapable of ever working
again at his trade of serge weaving; because they and their fathers before them had never
imagined it possible to weave serge with one foot; and the poor man and his family had
been supported by the parish for three years. I thought much about him, and having
discovered the way, I went to see him at his brother's house where he lived. I asked the
poor cripple if he would wish to weave again.
"Alas!" said he, weeping, " God has been pleased to
deprive of my leg and it is impossible."
THE HUGUENOTS. 159
I made his brother get out of the frame in which he was at work; I
detached all the cords from the treads, and arranged them differently, and then asked the
cripple to enter the frame, and showed him how he could use his remaining leg, first on
one tread, and then on the other; and in an hour's time he had made a quarter of a yard of
serge in his brother's frame, and equal in all respects to that woven by his brother. I
explained to him particularly the way in which he must prepare for weaving, so as not to
get his work into confusion; and I left him, after he had bestowed upon me many blessings
and prayers for my prosperity. For several days the house was full of people to see the
extraordinary sight of a man weaving with one leg.
The son of the Mayor before whom I had been cited bribed one of my
workmen to teach him, and guaranteed him the L10 which he was under engagement to pay me
if he worked for any one else. I did not sue him for it, I thought it would give me more
trouble than it was worth.
When they had made the calimanco, they met with the same difficulty
that I had done at the outset in the long hairs which stood out, and no one would purchase
from them; so I stepped forward and offered fifteen pence a yard for their manufactures
which they were glad to except of; I singed,
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and then resold them for two shillings and six pence. Of course they made no more; and the
treacherous weaver, being thrown entirely out of employment, stole whatever he could lay
his hands on from him who had tempted him to betray my secret, and left the neighbourhood.
This attempt to supplant me was so unpropitious to both master and
workman, that a long time was allowed to elapse before another trial was made; and for
three years I reaped the profit of my invention free from molestation. During this
interval the demend for serge gradually decreased, and the people again tried to find out
my secret, and this time with better success, for some pieces had inadvertently been sent
to be pressed without being sufficiently washed, and the smell of burning disclosed the
mystery; and then it was recollected how much straw I was in the habit of buying; and
laying the two circumstances together, they had no doubt about the matter, and after a
good deal of trouble they got rollers at work like mine, and every one left off making
serge.
The increased demand for, the coarse worsted raised the price from a
penny halfpenny to fourpence per pound, and what was worse, the market became overstocked
with calimancoes, and the price fell to two shillings, then to eighteen pence, and at last
to fifteen pence a yard.
THE HUGUENOTS. 161
Then I made mine spotted, and obtained a preference over theirs; they
soon imitated me, and then I contrived to make fresh variations in the patterns. It was
very vexatious to be thus racking my brains to invent something new, and as soon as I had
succeeded, to see myself imitated and undersold.
I was weary of the business, and seeing I was now worth L1,000, I
thought I would try if I could not meet with a French Church; and knowing that there were
many Refugees in Ireland, I went over to Dublin, and was there recommended to proceed to
Cork, where I found that several French families were settled who were very desirous to
have a minister, but they had hitherto hardly dared to make the attempt, because their
means would not allow them to offer a sufficient stipend. God had vouchsafed to bless my
labors, so that I felt myself independent; and this opportunity of preaching his Gospel
without remuneration pleased me exceedingly; and I agreed to return to Cork as soon as I
could wind up my affairs in Taunton and remove my family.
I met with two very poor French families in Cork who were almost
starving from want of employment, they were weavers by trade; I felt much sympathy for
them, and I bought worsted and dyes for their use, and left L25 with Mr. Abelin, an Elder
of our Church, and directed him to expend it in whatever
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was necessary for them to manufacture such stuffs as they had been accustomed to make in
France; and as fast as they finished the work, they were to bring it to him for sale, and
he was to have a sort of supervision of their families until my return. I had the
satisfaction of finding afterwards that they had been comfortably supported out of the
profits upon their labor during my absence, and the little capital I had deposited with
Mr. Abelin was unbroken.
On my return to Taunton we made immediate preparations for removing to
Ireland, and the packing up our goods and closing my concerns occupied about six weeks. We
took twelve horse-loads of furniture and baggage to Bristol, whence we intended to embark;
and I purchased there a variety of drugs for dyeing, and large coppers, and screws, and in
short every thing that I thought would be requisite for setting up a manufactory at Cork;
because I knew that I should have to do something for the support of my family, or I
should soon see the end of my thousand pounds, as the congregation for whom I was called
to officiate were unable to pay me any stipend.
I have never mentioned the melancholy fate of my sister Elizabeth, one
of the daughters of my father's first marriage. She was married to Mr. Sautreau, minister
of Saujon in Saintonge, and his Church
THE HUGEUNOTS. 163
being condemned some time before the great persecution, he determined to leave his native
country without delay, and seek a home where he would have the full liberty of worshipping
God in purity and sincerity. He, and his wife, and five children went to Ireland, and
after a very short stay there, they embarked at Dublin in a vessel bound to Boston in
North America. They were shipwrecked within sight of port and every soul on board
perished. This awful event, by which a whole family was swept off at once, was much in my
thoughts as the time approached for us to adventure by sea to Cork, and feeling unwilling
to trust my whole family in one bark, I took my sons James and Aaron to Amsterdam, and
placed them under the care of a near relation there, and I thought also that it might be
advantageous to them to acquire the Dutch language.
I have neglected to name, that during our residence in Taunton my wife
had not been less fruitful than my brain, for we were now the parents of six children,
five sons and one daughter.
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CHAPTER XIII.
Arrival at Cork--Enter upon pastoral duties--Manufactory--Great happiness--Dissension in
the church--Resignation--Copy of certificate--Remarkable warning by a dream--Visit fishing
stations--Death of Aaron--Turn fisherman--Remove to Bear Haven--Loss of the Robert--Bad
season--Trading voyage--Success in fishing--Loss by mismanagement of partners--
Troublesome Irish neighbours.
WE landed in safety at Cork on the 24th December 1694, and the
agreement I had entered into with the congregation was solemnly renewed. You may see
the particulars in the act of the Consistory of Cork dated 19 January, 1695, on which day
I commenced the discharge of my pastoral duties.
At first I preached at Christ Church, the use of it being granted to us
after the English had finished the services of the day; then we assembled in the County
Court room for our worship, and finally, I gave up, for the use of the Church, a spacious
apartment on the lower floor of my house, and we had it regularly fitted up with pulpit,
benches, and every thing necessary.
THE HUGUENOTS. 165
My manufactory here was altogether different from that which I had
carried on at Taunton. I considered it best to make something for which there would be a
demand near home. Coarse baize was the great article of manufacture in this place, but I
determined to try my skill in something of better quality, and I succeeded in making good
broad-cloth for which it was only necessary to use finer wool and weave it closer and
tighter. I built a dye house for my own use at the edge of the river for the convenience
of pumping up the water. A dyer in the city applied for permission to use my apparatus,
which I granted on the condition that he dyed all my worsteds and cloths without charge,
and made me a certain allowance out of his profits in dyeing for other people. My
knowledge was very advantageous to him, because I had always written down the proportions
of each drug that we used at Taunton, and attached to the memorandum a pattern of the
article dyed; thus when he brought me any order he had received, by a reference to my
books and comparing his pattern with those I had preserved, I was able to tell him at once
the exact quantity he would require of each drug, and my instruction never failed to prove
correct.
I was now at the height of my ambition; I was beloved by my hearers, to
whom I preached gratuitously,
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and thereby had the satisfaction of serving the God who had blessed me, without deriving
any pecuniary advantage from it. My dear wife gained by our manufactory an ample support
for the family; and by giving employment to many poor Refugees, we were the means of
enabling them to maintain their families respectably. The Church increased daily, Refugees
came from various parts when they heard that there was a French Church in Cork; and by and
bye those who were in easy circumstances became ashamed of allowing me to preach without
receiving a stipend, and they proposed to make a voluntary contribution, if it were only
to show that they felt grateful for my services. When it came to my knowledge, I thanked
them much, but added that as they could not possibly raise enough to support my family
without exertion on my own part, I would greatly prefer that whatever they collected
should be appropriated to the relief of the poor, of whom we had many in the congregation;
and that it gave me great pleasure to imitate St. Paul, preaching the Gospel and earning
my living at the same time by the labor of my hands. They were well satisfied with this
answer, because they could not raise more than L10, or at the very utmost L15, which would
have been a mere trifle towards the support of my large family.
THE HUGUENOTS. 167
The corporation of Cork as a mark of their esteem presented me with the
freedom of the City.
This state of things was altogether too good to last, my cup of
happiness was now full to overflowing, and like all the enjoyments of this earth it proved
very transitory.
Great numbers of zealous, pious and upright persons had joined our
communion; but it could not be expected that all were of this class; and unfortunately
there were some in the flock whose conduct was not regulated by the principles of our holy
religion. A man named Isaac de la Croix, originally a merchant in Calais, who had caused
dissension in the Church there before its condemnation; then set tied in Dover, and there
also made dissension in the Church; and to punish us for our sins he came from there to
join our Church, and he had not been with us more than eighteen months before he was the
cause of discord amongst us also. The history of it is as follows. He had a son
twenty-five years of age, who was in the habit of doing business on his own account; this
young man chartered a vessel of about 30 tons for Ostend, and he loaded her with butter
and tallow, promising payment in ready money. On a Saturday afternoon he went down in the
vessel to Cove, at the mouth of the harbour, and expected, the next day being Sunday, to
steal away, and
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get fairly out to sea without paying for any part of his cargo. A butcher, from whom he
had made some purchases, feeling a little suspicious, went to the father, produced his
son's promisory note, and asked him to endorse it; he, thinking the vessel had got to sea,
made answer that he had nothing to do with his son's affairs. The butcher without loss of
time hired a boat, and went down with bailiffs to Cove, where he found the vessel and
stopped her, thus arresting the dishonesty of both father and son.
It so happened that I had some time before commenced a series of
sermons on the ten commandments, and on Sunday, the day after this intended fraud had been
discovered, my text, in regular course, was the eighth commandment: "Thou shalt not
steal." I solemnly declare before God, that when I mounted the pulpit, not a whisper
of this transaction had reached my ears. I proceeded in my exposition to the very best of
my power, explaining the various ways in which its spirit might be violated; and amongst
others, I very naturally named the tricks and evasions sometimes practiced in commerce,
which branch of the subject must have been well handled, for Isaac de la Croix felt that
his character was sketched to the very life, and concluded that it was intended for him,
which enraged him so much that as he left the Church he declared, with the most blas-
THE HUGUENOTS. 169
phemous oaths, that he would make me suffer for what I had said.
The elders related the story to me after the sermon, and I protested to
them that I knew nothing of it before, and that the singular coincidence must be ascribed
to the providence of God alone. Mr. de la Croix would not believe that it was undesigned,
and continued his threats of revenge, and in the end made his words good, for he did cause
me much anxiety and unhappiness.
On Monday morning it was ascertained that neither father nor son could
pay for the cargo; the son ran away and I never heard more of him; the creditors went on
board the vessel, and each claimed his own property as well as he could, the vessel was
emptied, and the Captain was the main loser, having to seek a fresh freight.
Mr. de la Croix did not forget his promise of revenging himself upon me
for his imaginary injury; he set to work without, loss of time to poison the minds of my
flock, he began with persons whom he knew to be weak and vain, telling them they would
never rise to consideration in the city so long as they had a Presbyterian for their
Minister. In this way he wrought upon those who looked up to the office of Mayor or even
sheriff as something to be desired above measure; and by degrees, a spirit of opposi-
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tion was infused into large numbers of my hearers, and they required me to receive
ordination from the Bishop; this begot discussion, and the dispute waxing warm, I must
acknowledge that I said that which it would have been much better to have left unsaid. A
complaint was made to the Bishop of what I had said; and it contained what I had said,
what I had not said, and assuredly what I had not even so much as thought. The Bishop was
exasperated by this report, and he wrote in consequence thereof to my Lord Galway, then
Lord Chief Justice of Ireland; this caused a correspondence between his Lordship and
myself of which you will find full copies amongst my papers. Mr. de la Croix went so far
as to assert that I was no Minister at all, and he visited from house for house repeating
it, so that I was obliged to write for vouchers to the gentlemen of the Walloon Church in
Threadneedle street, London. Finally, I felt it my duty, for the sake of peace, to request
that they would allow me to resigns and I annex a copy of their permission.
(COPY.)
"Mr. James Fontaine our Minister having written to this congregation to request to
be released from the service of the Church, for reasons assigned in his letter of 30th.
May last, this congregation, distressed
THE HUGUENOTS. 171
at the prospect of separation, and the causes which have led him to request it, deem it
expedient nevertheless to give a reluctant and sorrowful consent to his desire; thanking
him most humbly for the services he has rendered to this church during two years and a
half, without receiving any stipend or equivalent whatsoever for his unceasing exertions.
We feel bound to testify that though he has been obliged to use his own industry for the
support of his family, yet it has never occasioned him to neglect any duty of the Holy
Ministry. We have been extremely edified by his preaching, which has always been in strict
accordance with the pure word of God. He has imparted consolation to the sick and
afflicted, and set a bright example to the flock of the most exemplary piety and good
conduct. We pray God to bless him and his family, and to grant him the consolation of
exercising elsewhere, with more comfort to himself; those gifts which God has given him
for the Holy Ministry to which he has been called.
In testimony whereof we hare given to him this present certificate at
Cork, 5th. June, 1698.
Signed. P.
RENUE
P. CESTEAU.
M. ARDOUIN.
Elders.
CAILLON.
JOHN HANNETON.
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Thus you see how much mischief one quarrelsome malicious spirit may
occasion in a flock; the poor Minister feels it his duty to sacrifice his own comfort and
interest for the peace of the church. It was a great source of satisfaction to me to be
succeeded by Mr. Marcomb who continued to carry on every thing in the way I had commenced,
and the church has ever since been governed according to the French mode.
I sometimes repented that I had been so humble as to request my
discharge, for you will see, in the sequel, that I lost at Bear Haven all the property I
had previously gained. Nevertheless God, who only sends afflictions to try our faith and
not to ruin us, has in his infinite wisdom turned all my misfortunes, losses, and disgrace
to my ultimate advantage, even in this life, and has almost miraculously provided me with
all that was needful for the education of my children.
Before proceeding, I must relate a very extraordinary event. I have
already said that before I left Faunton I placed my two oldest boys James and Aaron in
Amsterdam; they remained there two entire years, and when I wished them to return, a
Captain of a vessel named De Condre, who was going to Ostend, offered to bring them back
with him to Cork. We knew nothing whatever of this man's character,
THE HUGUENOTS. 173
but my wife had known some of his relations who lived in the neigbourhood that she came
from in France, and altogether we thought. it a favourable opportutunity for the boys to
return; we thankfully accepted his offer, and I intrusted to him some of my manufactures
to the value of L40. I wrote by him and desired the boys to proceed to Ostend, which they
did. The vessel was to stop and discharge some of her cargo in London, and then return to
Cork.
I had a letter from my brother Peter who resided in London to inform me
that she had arrived there, and that the boys were in good health, staying at his house,
until the merchandise was discharged. The night after I received this letter I had the
most distressing dream you can imagine. I saw my poor boys struggling in the water, and
that there was no help, they must inevitably be drowned; I awoke in agony, and every time
I got to sleep for a few minutes the same dreadful dream returned. In the morning I wrote
to my brother, told him I had altered my plan, and did not like trusting the boys to sea
any more, so he must send them by land to Chester, and from Chester they could cross the
Channel to Dublin, and proceed thence by land to Cork. You might suppose that after
sending these instructions my mind would have been relieved; no such thing, the same
dreadful object appeared before me again each
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succeeding night, and the impression made on my mind was so powerful, that I was really
sick with anxiety and stress until the next post day; and I then wrote a second letter to
my brother, gave him the particulars of the dreams which had afflicted me so much, and
told him that I could not but consider them as a warning from God, and if my children
should not yet have sailed at the time he received this letter, I charged him most
solemnly not to let them go by sea; and added, that if he should do so after my telling
him of the warning I had received, and the calamity I feared overtook them, that I should
forever lay the blame of their death at his door. Almost immediately after the receipt of
this second letter, De Condre, being ready for sea, called at my brother's house for the
boys to go on board the vessel, and my brother gave him my letter to read, with which he
was greatly infuriated, and wanted to take them by force, and when he found that they
would not be suffered to go with him, he refused to give up any of their baggage from the
vessel.
They returned according to my directions by land, (thanks be to my
Heavenly Father for his providential warning) and De Condre went to sea without them, and
neither he nor any of his crew have ever been heard of since. The boys told me when they
reached home that this man was the most horrid
THE HUGUNOTS. 175
blasphemer they had ever heard, that they had trembled to hear him vomiting forth his
imprecations even against heaven itself; and on one occasion when the weather was bad he
had paced the deck like a madman calling upon the devil to do his work. Who knows but that
God would at that moment have punished this impious blaphemer, precipitating his body to
the bottom of the sea, and his soul to the gulf of hell, if it had not been for these two
innocent children, in favor of whom he deferred his vengeance and warned me in a dream of
what I should do.
James will confirm the truth of. this to you, for I am sure he can
never lose the remembrance of his wonderful preservation; and to him I would say, that I
trust his grateful recollection of it may be beneficial to him through the whole course of
his life, and when he feels tempted to sin against God, let him ask himself this question.
Was it to commit this sin that God withdrew me so miraculously from the waves of the sea?
I now resume the thread of my story. About the time that I was deprived
of the great comfort of preaching the word of God at Cork, there was an act passed by the
Parliament of Great Britain forbidding the exportation of manufactured woollen goods from
Ireland; this entirely broke up my manufactory, for the cloths I made were much better
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suited for exportation than for home use. After the injury I had received I never felt
Cork an agreeable residence, and though I remained some months longer, and preached in
English every Sunday at a Presbyterian church, yet I was all the time on the look out for
any thing that might turn up to suit me better.
I sometimes thought of buying a farm with the money I had acquired, and
living upon it. While in this unsettled state, I fell in with a merchant from Kinsale, who
told me of his having purchased fish at Bantry for shipment to Spain, upon which he had
realised a large profit, and that it had also paid a profit to the fishermen from whom he
made the purchase. I took a great liking to this mode of making a living, being so
immediately dependent upon the good Providence of God for guiding the nets, and giving
them success according to his pleasure, and it seemed to me to be one of the most innocent
of all occupations; so, contrary to the Apostles, who from fishermen became preachers, I,
from a preacher, thought of turning fisherman. I sold all my manufacturing implements,
quitted the employment, and leaving my family in Cork, I went on a tour of observation
through the fishing region. At Baltimore I made acquaintance with Colonel Beecher, who had
very extensive fisheries, and at Castle Haven with
THE HUGUENOTS. 177
Colonel Townsend; from the latter I purchased very good second hand tackle and boats all
complete. I ascertained that it was impossible to carry on fishing with success unless you
had a large farm, with many tenants upon it, bound to fish only for you. I went to Bear
Haven, and there hired a considerable farm from Mr. Boyd at L100 per annum, another from
Mr. Davis at L31 10s. and a third at L18.
Behold me now making grand preparations for being both farmer and
fisherman. I bought a cargo of salt to be in readiness, and put part in a cellar at
gantry, and part at Bear Haven. I did nothing but spend money this season, it being too
late for the fishery when I began, but I was full of hope for the next.
On my return to Cork, I found that it had pleased God to withdraw my
second son Aaron from this life during my absence. This was the most severe affliction
that I had ever yet experienced. The loss of property had never made much impression upon
me, but to be deprived of this dear child was a severe stroke. He had been an invalid for
a long time, his complaint was consumption, and his sufferings were at times very great
from violent pain in his chest. He evinced the most entire resignation to the will of God,
and with a firmness beyond his years tried to console his mother, who was shedding tears
by his
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bed-side, with the hope he entertained that through the merits of his Saviour he would be
received into everlasting happiness.
This grievous affliction made Cork still more unpleasant to us, so we
determined to remove to Bear Haven, where I had rented the farms for the fishery. I went
into partnership in this new undertaking with my cousin John Arnauld, and Messrs. Renue,
Thomas, and Gourbould, all merchants in London. They were to have one half, and I the
other. I put down to them at cost price half of the Robert, a vessel of about 40 tons that
I had owned some time, and half the price of the tackle, boats, and salt that I had
purchased. They bought in London, on joint account with me, two other vessels of about 50
tons each, the Goodwill and the Judith. They sent the Goodwill to me with nets, cordage,
and every thing necessary to make two more tackles, and the Judith went to France to bring
a cargo of salt. As we intended to salt the fish ourselves, I built a house for the
purpose, with stone walls and a slated roof, and floors suitable, and cellars to store the
salt in, and presses to press the fish. I also built more boats, and got the tackle all
ready; and so now, in the year 1700 we were only waiting for God to send us the fish, and
we were fully prepared to turn them to the best advantage.
THE HUGUENOTS. 179
At first I had only my oldest son James with me, but as soon as these preparations were
completed, I sent him to fetch his mother and the children from Cork. I had while there
sold the remainder of my lease and the improvements I had made in the house for L100. My
wife gave it up as soon as James arrived, and every thing was packed, and the whole family
came round with the goods and chattels in the Robert to gantry, and thence to Bear Haven.
The first year and a half we lived in a mere cottage thatched with straw, and we owe it to
the good providence of God, that while we were so much exposed we never suffered from the
*tories, (or robbers,) of whom there were great numbers in these parts.
Having no immediate use for the Robert, we char-
*The word tory having been long known only as a
cant term applied to a particular political party, it may not be amiss to remark that it
is here used according to its original signification. It is derived from the Irish word
toruighim, (to pursue for purposes of violence,) and in the days of queen Elizabeth we
discover it first used to signify the lawless banditti who were so troublesome in Ireland
during her reign. In England, we find it applied for the first time by the opponents of
Charles I. to the followers of that unfortunate prince, under an idea that he favored the
Irish rebels; and by an easy transition it became the distinctive appellation of that
party who wished for the greatest extension of the royal prerogative
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tered her to a merchant in Cork to go to Spain, and the Captain, James Joy an Irishman,
was to lay out the freight money as soon as he received it in Salt, Oranges and Citrons;
this he did, but instead of returning to Cork with the cargo, he ran the vessel ashore on
the French coast, scuttled her, and sold the wreck with whatever was saved from it to a
French merchant, and he remained in France to enjoy his ill gotten wealth. Here was an end
of the ketch Robert so far as we were concerned; but the person who had bought her as a
wreck has her repaired for little more than a crown, and she had since been constantly
employed on the French coast in trading voyages.
In the month of May 1700, we first began to fish for cod off the Island
of Durzey, but the weather was unfavourable, the wind high, and the sea rough; and after
being at great expense we had to return with scarcely any fish. We tried to take salmon,
and though our expense was small, our gains were still smaller.
In July we mustered our whole force to take herrings; three tackles,
six boats, and forty five men, at an incredible expense; nevertheless, if the fish had
been as abundant as was usual at this season of the year, our profit would have been
considerable. Very few fish appeared, but we were obliged to continue
THE HUGUENOTS. 181
a heavy expenditure, for perhaps the fish might come at the very time when we, for economy
sake, had given up waiting for them, and a single draught in a large shoal of herring
might pay all the expense of one, two, or even three years. Of course the men received the
same wages whether they caught fish or not.
The season passing away so unsuccessfully, we thought it unnecessary to
keep both our vessels waiting for fish, and we sent the Judith on a trading voyage to
Spain. While the Goodwill was waiting for fish, we added another deck to her for the
convenience of keeping Tobacco dry in case she should go to Virginia. This was an expense
of L80, and made the vessel look clumsy, but she sailed very well. Finding that I had not
fish enough to load her, I proceeded, by the direction of my partners in London, to make
up the remainder of her cargo of beef, butter, cheese, candles &c., altogether
including the Fish, worth L450. They recommended that she should go to Madeira first, to
dispose of this cargo, and invest the proceeds in wine; then to Barbadoes, to sell the
wine, and take in sugar, rum, and molasses, and proceed with these to Virginia, and there
take in a cargo of Tobacco.
At Madeira every thing sold under its cost, owing to the number of
vessels already arrived laden with
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182 A TALE OF
provisions; and the same bad fortune followed them to Barbadoes; wine was abundant, and
the losses were so great by these two transactions, that after paying the seamen's wages
they were only able to take about L130 worth of sugar &c., and when they got to
Virginia, they still found so many vessels before them that the produce they had on board
was at a very low price; and tobacco being much in demand, they were afraid they should
have to return without any cargo. The Pilot, one Perry, seeing the unpleasant situation of
the Captain, told him of a river named, I think, Ptoxon* which ran 80 leagues into the
interior of the country, and that if he approved of it he would take the vessel there. The
Captain agreed to make the attempt, coming to the conclusion that he might almost as well
return without the vessel as without a cargo. When they arrived at the port, the Captain
had every thing his own way, for no vessel had been there for more than six months, and
there was not a pound of sugar, or a drop of rum or molasses in the place, and he managed
so well that he got in exchange tobacco enough to fill every part of the vessel, even to
the cabin, and the sailors had it crammed in their beds. She arrived at Bear Haven in
August 1701, and I had met with
*No doubt the Patuxent.
THE HUGUENOTS. 183
ample success in fishing so that I had a cargo all ready for her, and I wrote to my
partners in London, whither she went to discharge her Tobacco, to request that she might
be sent back to me directly.
I have not mentioned that we had another son born before we left Cork;
and on the 3d. August 1701 my wife was brought to bed of our youngest child Elizabeth. On
that day we were particularly successful in fishing, and our slated house not being yet
finished, we were living at one end of the herring house, which was so full with the
immense quantity taken, that every place was piled up, even to the door of the chamber in
which my wife was confined.
We cured this year more than two hundred thousand herrings, we pressed
enough to fill two hundred hogsheads, and we put up two hundred barrels of pickled
herrings. Besides this, we had twelve tierces of salmon, seven or eight hundred dried cod
fish, and two thousand dried flukes, altogether worth about L1,200. Everyday I
expected the Goodwill to arrive; I wrote, and wrote to my partners, to make haste and send
her that our fish might be the first cargo in the market at Leghorn. While I was in this
state of suspense, I sent a small quantity by a vessel loading at Bear Haven for Leghorn,
and valuing the whole stock at the price I obtained for those I sent, which were a few of
each kind, it would have
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been worth L1,500, if the Goodwill had only returned according to promise.
It turned out that my partners owned a large quantity of wine in Spain,
and they were alarmed by rumours of war; and in such an event they would have lost all
their wine if it remained in Spain, and on the other hand if brought to England the
prospect of war would be sure to raise its price; this was a large concern, the fishery
was a small one to them, though a very large one to me; and they retained the Goodwill,
sending her to and fro as fast as possible, to bring all their wine before war was
declared.
At last they wrote to me to sell the fish at Cork, as they could not
send the Goodwill; I went there and finding no purchaser, I wrote again to beg they would
send me a ship. Time was flying rapidly; the fish which ought to have been shipped long
ago were still on hand. Finally these gentlemen bought an old vessel of 120 tons from Mr.
Renue; she wanted repairs, and did not reach Bear Haven till January 1702. I loaded her in
a very few days; and on the 5th. Feb. she set sail, but got no farther than the mouth of
the harbour before she sprung a leak, and most of the sailors ran away. I hired some
Irishmen, as soon as I heard of it, to run after the sailors and bring thern back, and
with much difficulty and many smooth words I got them on board again;
THE HUGUENOTS. 185
the leak was stopped, and she proceeded on her voyage, from which I never received a
single farthing; the account rendered was that the proceeds of the fish went no farther
than to pay the charges of various kinds. Though I did not expect much from them, yet I
never could believe that the loss was total, without dishonesty somewhere.
Thus God, to whose blessed will we must submit, in his infinite and
unsearchable wisdom, saw fit to deprive us of all advantage from tbis most abundant
season--all--all was lost, we were not worthy of it.
My London partners, having sustained such heavy losses by the fishery,
wrote to me that they would have nothing more to do with it, though the agreement was for
three years, and this was but the second. The expenses attendant upon building the
cellars' herring house, and presses, as well as the cast of the boats and tackle were
charged to me upon winding up our accounts; they allowing me something for the use of them
during the two past years. I had also engaged fishermen for the next year, and it was
impossible for me to drawback without losing at least L100 more. I made a full
representation of all these circumstances, pointing out to them how hard it was upon me
when they had occasioned the loss, by their own detention of the Goodwill; but it was to
no
16*
186 A TALE OF
purpose, there was nothing left for me to continue on my own account. The Goodwill was
sold in London for a trifle compared to what she had cost. I felt that I was entirely
ruined, but it was God's will, and blessed be his name for the support of his grace, which
enabled my dear wife, and myself also, to submit without murmuring to the chastisement,
and to say from our hearts "Thy will be done!"
Amongst other expenses entailed upon me was the building of a house
with substantial stone walls, slated roof and towers; in fact, a sort of little
fortification for defence, in case of need, from the French corsairs, who sometimes made
attacks upon the unprotected part of the coast. This cost me a great deal of money, but
you will see in the sequel that it was not thrown away, the good providence of God making
it the human means of procuring for me great benefit hereafter.
My Irish neighbours were in the habit of pillaging and cheating me in a
thousand indirect ways. I had brought thirteen destitute Frenchmen into the neighbourhood,
who had served in king William's army, and were discharged, the war being over, and they
knew not where to lay their heads. I gave them land to cultivate, but whether it was owing
to their ignorance of agriculture, their habits of indolence engendered by a military
life, or the perpetual
THE HUGUENOTS. 187
injuries they received at the hands of the Irish, I know not, but certain it is, they were
discouraged, and most of them left me before the end of three years; and by them I lost
L80, which I had advanced for their use.
When God vouchsafes his blessing, every thing prospers, but let him
withdraw the light of his countenance and the best laid plans and greatest exertions
result in nothing but failure. All now seemed to go wrong with us. There was a court at
Bear Haven for the Barony competent to decide in all causes under forty shillings. I do
not believe that there were more than half a dozen Protestants in the adjacent country
besides my own family, and those I had brought with me, so that when I or any of my
Protestants demanded what was due to us, the matter was invariably decided against us by a
jury of Papists, for Protestants were never by any chance summoned to sit upon a jury, and
the consequence was that we not only lost our lawful dues, but were condemned to pay costs
also. On the other hand, if the Irish took it into their heads to make any claim upon us,
how unfounded so ever it might be, they were sure to recover. Boyd, the judge, was a very
great rogue, and Dwyer, the attorney, was no better. After some little experience I put an
end to this
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system of cheatery and false swearing, by appealing from the decision of the Barony to the
county assizes. I may say with truth, that I was the only person in the whole Barony, who
could be said to be really and truly in the Protestant interest, for the few Protestants
who had lived there any length of time seemed to have caught the infection, and to have
become as great rascals as the Irish Papists themselves.
I was a justice of the peace, and in that capacity I exerted myself to
the utmost to break up the intercourse subsisting between the Irish robbers and the French
privateers, who were the best of friends on every occasion, for the Irish always seemed to
look upon it as a settled point that the enemies of the English must be their greatest
friends. It was quite natural that my steady course of opposition should draw upon me the
hatred of these people, and I soon had evidence of its being so, for I received a message
from one Skelton, captain over an organized band of robbers in the woods, threatening me
with an attack, saying that I might keep what guard I pleased, but they would manage to
surprise me some day or other, and they would be with me before I had time to turn round.
I caused them to be informed that if they declared fox's war, I would advise them to be on
their
THE HUGUENOTS. 189
guard also, lest I should be beforehand and seize upon some of them first; and it so
happened that about four or five months afterwards I did discover one of them hidden on my
farm in the cleft of a rock, and I took him prisoner and sent him to Cork, where he was
tried, condemned and executed. In the course of twelve months this whole troop of brigands
was dispersed, they had quarrels amongst themselves and betrayed one another. This should
be noted down as another instance of God's superintending providence, in which a
threatened blow was warded off. The animosity against me rather increased than diminished,
for the reason that I persevered in sending to Cork for trial all persons who were found
to be in the practice of communicating with the French privateers, and the number was
generally from eight to ten every assizes. The privateers sustained a heavy loss, or
rather I should say, lost the opportunity of making their usual gains, by being deprived
of the means of obtaining the information they were in the habit of receiving, as to what
vessels were in the neighbouring ports, where they were going, the value of their cargoes,
&c. &c., which had enabled many of them to capture rich prizes. The Irish were
accustomed to be rewarded for their treachery by a considerable share of the booty on
these occa-
190 A TALE OF
sions, and they were of course much enraged, and as every effort they had hitherto tried
to injure me had proved unsuccessful, they made up their minds to call in a force that
would be adequate according to all human appearance to accomplish their grand desideratum
of getting rid of me.
THE HUGUENOTS. 191
CHAPTER XIV.
Attacked by a French privateer--Defence--Letter to the Duke of Ormon--Ammunition furnished
by government--Build a small fort--Visit Dublin--London--Obtain a pension--Copy of
warrant--Return home.
EARLY in the morning of the first day of June 1704, a French privateer hove in sight, she
floated gently towards the house in a perfect calm, she had on board four of my Irish
neighbours to act as guides, in addition to eighty men of her own. She mounted ten guns. I
watched her progress, and thought the intention was to bring her to the south of my house,
so that her guns would bear directly upon the front and have full scope at high water. I
would prevent this if it were possible, and so I mustered all the men I could find,
exactly twenty in number, I gave the Protestants muskets, and the Papists clubs on their
shoulders, which made them at a distance look like armed men. I ordered them to follow me
and do as I did. We went round the little cove, stooping very low as if we wished to hide
ourselves, though in reality I made choice of the highest ground in order
192 A TALE OF
that we might certainly be seen from the privateer. I then placed all the men behind a
large rock near the shore, while I stood alone on the top of it, within sight of the
vessel; I ordered them all to appear on one side of the rock, as if they were peeping out
of curiosity, while I was looking the other way; then I turned, and made angry
gesticulations as if I were finding fault and striking some of them, and at the same time
I told them all to show their heads on the other side of the rock; I turned again, and
appeared to be very anxious that they should conceal themselves. The enemy, having seen
(as they thought) forty men behind the rock, did not deem it expedient to effect their
landing at a point so well guarded; thus my manoeuvre produced exactly the effect I
intended it should, and they turned about towards the mouth of the creek upon which my
house stood; and there they were opposite to one corner of the house, from which point
their fire would be comparatively without effect. They dared not venture up the creek for
fear of getting aground at low water.
When I saw that they had decided upon their position, I took my men
back by a low path, and this time I really made them hide themselves, so that those in the
vessel could not see one of us returning from the rock. I took the Protestants into the
house to assist in our defence, and sent the Papists away. The
THE HUGUENOTS. 193
privateer cast anchor about a long musket shot distant from the house, and the lieutenant
landed with twenty men. I had seven men with me in addition to my wife and children; four
or five of these were of very little use. I placed them all at different windows, I posted
myself in one of the towers over the door, and as the Lieutenant was advancing with every
appearance of confidence in his mien, I fired at him with a blunderbuss loaded with small
leaden balls, one of which entered his neck above the shoulder blade, and another his
side. He took aim at me before he fell, but his fire went too high. While I was gone to
fetch another loaded piece from the next room, his men took him up, crossed the ditch, and
carried him back to the ship.
The Captain, furious at such unexpected resistance from a minister,
sent twenty more men ashore, with another commander, and two small cannon; these they
placed under cover of the rocks and hedges, and cannonaded the house from the north, while
the guns on board the vessel fired upon us from the south east. I must acknowledge that
being unaccustomed to this sort of music, I felt some little tremors of fear when the
first cannon ball struck the house, but I instantly humbled myself internally before my
Maker, and having committed myself both soul and body to his keeping, my courage revived,
and I suffered no more
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from fear. I put my head out of the window see what effect the ball had produced on our
stone wall, and when I perceived it had only made a slight scratch, I cried out with joy.
"Courage my dear children, their cannon balls have no more effect on our stone walls
than if they were so many apples!"
An officer was then in my house, with whom I had been conversing the
evening before on what would be my prospect of success, if I were to defend myself on such
an occasion as the present; and he thought I should have no chance, because he said a
cannon would overthrow my house with as much ease as if it were a castle of cards; and
this opinion of his I verily believe occasioned me the apprehension of which I have just
now spoken, but which was only perceptible to myself and my Heavenly Father, who, in
answer to my petition, had dissipated my fears.
John Mc Liney, a brave Scotchman, who was stationed at a window which
overlooked the cannon on shore, having fired repeatedly without any apparent effect, at
last put a double charge of powder into his musket, and killed a man who was pointing the
cannon. This obliged them to alter the position of their battery, and they moved their
cannon to the foot of the wall, and sheltered themselves behind a rock about thirty paces
from the north east corner of the house, where every one was protected from our fire
except
THE HUGUENOTS. 195
the men who reloaded the cannons. The new position was much more favourable for us,
because being at one corner of the house they could not strike the walls or injure any
thing but the slates on the roof. During the whole battle there were two or three hundred
Irishmen collected on a neighbouring height watching the conflict, rejoicing in the
anticipation of our defeat, and waiting impatiently for the moment when they might come
down and help to plunder.
A Frenchman named Paul Roussier, a brave man, and a skilful soldier,
was in the garret opposite to the enemies' battery, he constructed a sort of rampart of
sheep's fleeces, then made a hole through the slates, and from thence he fired without the
slightest intermission; a fresh loaded piece being handed to him from below directly after
he had fired; and he killed one of them. They on their part also kept up a continual fire
with the cannons against the house, and the pirates from the vessel fired with small arms
upon our windows, which we had barricaded with mattresses and large books.
At the commencement of the action some of our muskets were a little out
of order. The officer who was loading for Paul Roussier had put in the ball before the
powder, (by which you may judge of his confusion) and seeing my wife enter the room, who
was here, and there, and every where, carrying ammuni-
196 A TALE OF
tion, and giving encouragement both by her words and her manner, he went up to her, and
taking her by the hand, he said, "Alas! my dear lady, we are undone, it would be the
height of folly to attempt to resist any longer when our arms are in bad order; here are
no less than three useless muskets." (Observe we had eighteen muskets, two
blunderbusses and several pistols.)
My wife replied with her usual composure, "We are in the hands of
the Almighty, and nothing can befall us without his permission; I trust he will not suffer
us to fall into the hands of these wicked men. We must not lose our courage, but try if we
cannot repair what is defective."
She then came to me where I was on duty, and told me to go into the
parlour directly to encourage the people, and do away the alarm caused by this
faint-hearted gentleman. I went immediately and examined the three muskets; one wanted a
flint, another had some dirt in the touch hole, and the third had two cartridges in it,
one on the top of the other and a ball below both, next to the touch hole. I laughed at
him a little, and from that time there was no further complaint of arms being out of
order. My wife was so entirely free from fear, that when she went to fetch a needle for me
to broach the muskets from a place where the balls were coming in at the window
THE HUGUENOTS. 197
like hail, she did not think of stooping until I called out to her so to do. The children
were a good deal alarmed when the balls struck the roof and made the slates fly, which she
perceiving said to them "Courage my children, we are in the hands of God, and it is
not fear that will insure our safety; on the contrary, God will bless our courage. If you
cannot fire yourselves, you can load the muskets for your father and others who are older
and stronger than you are; drive away all fear if you can, and leave the care of your
persons to God."
This address of hers to the children had a great effect upon the older
persons present, and seemed to inspire them with new courage and confidence. Ere long
however we had serious cause for anxiety, our powder was becoming so scarce that we felt
as if we ought to be sparing in the use of it. We were in great perplexity; if we did not
continue the same fire we thought the enemy would perceive the diffenence and attack with
fresh vigor, and to go on at the rate we were using it, we had not more than enough for
three hours; we had only had twelve pounds at the outset. "Great God! it was then
that thou discouraged our enemies and showed us their backs. "
Claude Bonnet, a French soldier, seeing one of them run away, went
forward to take aim at him, and just; at that moment a ball from the enemy struck against
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the house, rebounded, and entered the fleshy part of of his arm without touching the bone.
This showed us that if we had been spared, it was to God that we owed it, and to him we
should return our thanks. My dear wife was the surgeon, she had him laid upon a bed
without any noise, and applied the first dressing to the wound with her own hands. The
battle lasted from eight o'clock in the morning till four in the afternoon, and during
that whole time, there was never the least cessation in the firing except for a few
minutes when the first man was killed. We had no one wounded but Claude Bonnet, and one of
the children from a piece of slate striking against his thumb. The enemy had three men
killed and seven wounded, as we learnt afterwards from the Irishmen who were on board.
When the assailants had returned to the vessel, we visited the stations they had occupied,
and found a quantity of blood which they had evidently tried to hide by treading earth and
leaves into the ground.
The privateer remained at anchor for some time, and we were afraid they
meditated a second attack, for which we were badly prepared being so near the end of our
powder; but we determined if they did land again that we would only fire when we could
take aim. While we were waiting the development of their plans, we took some nourishment,
which was
THE HUGUENOTS. 199
much needed after our fatigues. I had given each one a large glass of Sherry when we
entered the house on our return from the rock, first thing in the morning; and after that,
during the whole action, I did not permit any one to taste a drop of wine, or spirit, or
strong beer.
We had the satisfaction in a short time of seeing them draw up their
anchor and sail away, and we returned thanks to God for our glorious deliverance. I
immediately wrote a full account of the affair to Lord Cox, then Lord Chancellor of
Ireland, and to the Duke of Ormond who was Lord Lieutenant.
Before I mention the letter I wrote to the Duke, I should say that
about nine months previous to the attack, he had made a tour through a great part of
Ireland accompanied by the Chancellor. I went, with Mr. Davis, one of my landlords, to
Kinsale for the purpose of paying our respects to them, and before the interview, it had
been agreed between Mr. Davis, the Chancellor, and myself that if there was an opening I
should say something in favor of building a fort in our neighbourhood, and they would
support me in it, being fully as anxious as I was to have one erected. The Chancellor
presented us both to his Grace as justices of the peace who did our duty.
The Duke conversed for a few minutes with Mr. Davis, but when he found
that I was a French Refu-
200 A TALE OF
gee minister, he addressed himself more particularly to me, speaking in French. He asked
me how long I had lived in this barbarous part of the country, what flock I had, &c.,
to all which I replied; and he then enquired what was the chief produce, and how we
managed matters in this quarter. I said much in favor of our harbor, dwelt on its
conveniences, and then I told him of the iniquitous practices of the French privateers,
and I thought the door was now open for me to suggest our plan, and I added that if
government would but erect a fort there, it would be a great place for the settlement of
French Refugees, and would also prove a safeguard to the commerce of the whole kingdom.
The other gentlemen were preparing according to agreement to support
what I had said with various arguments, when the Duke rather wittily cut short our
discourse by saying "Pray to God for us, and we will take care to defend you."
This answer was so much to the purpose that I had not another word to
say, though I was a good deal annoyed by the tittering of some of the Duke's friends who
were present.
I thought the time had now arrived when I should be justified in
reproaching his Grace with breach of promise. And immediately after the battle, before
THE HUGUENOTS. 201
the sun had set, on that very evening, I wrote him a letter, beginning as follows:--
"Since I had the honor of paying my respects to your Grace at
Kinsale, I have not failed to pray for you daily in conformity with your request, but you
must allow me to complain that your Grace has not been equally true to the promise you
then made of defending me, for without your aid I have had to defend myself from the
attack of a French corsair," &c. &c. I then gave him the particulars of the
engagement and our glorious victory.
I enclosed this letter unsealed to my cousin Arnauld in London, and
desired him, after reading, to seal and deliver it. He had some hesitation about
delivering it because he thought it too bold, nevertheless he did seal it, and went to the
Duke's hotel and left it with the first servant he saw, without waiting for any answer, or
even ascertaining that it reached its destination. The good and generous Duke was
delighted, seeing that its boldness was justified by the defence we had made, and he
enquired immediately for the person who had brought it, and as he was not forthcoming, he
requested Colonel Boisron, who happened to be with him, to write an answer, telling me how
much he was charmed with my conduct, and also with my manner of relating it to him, and
that if it should ever be in his power to serve me,
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he would take great pleasure in doing so. In the mean time my name and my wife's also,
became known by means of the newspapers, throughout all Europe.
I received a letter from Government, dated 10th June, 1704,
complimenting me on my defence, congratulating me on its happy result, and adding that
they had taken care I should be better prepared in case of another attack, for they had
issued an order to the keeper of the magazine at Kinsale (without my asking for it) to
deliver to me one barrel of gunpowder and two barrels of musket balls. The warrant was
enclosed in the letter.
The four Irishmen, who had assisted the French, became much alarmed,
and fearing I should find them out and deliver them up to justice, determined to be
beforehand and came voluntarily before me to make oath that the French had taken them by
main force. It was from them that we learnt the extent of loss sustained by the French;
they told us that after the death of the lieutenant, the captain was furious, being a near
relation of his own, and swore that if he took me he would roast me alive and salt me.
After this I determined to build a kind of fortification at the back of
my house, to serve the double purpose of protecting the lower floor from the guns of
THE HUGUENOTS. 203
ships, and defending the mouth of the creek. I bought several six pounders which had been
fished up from a vessel lost on the coast. I had three carriages made for them, and I
raised a fortification of turf whose parapet was eighteen feet in thickness, and so
situated as to command the entrance of the creek, and cover the lower story of my house
entirely on the side next to the creek. My Irish neighbours, much chagrined at the
unexpected issue of the attack, which they had felt certain was to rid them of me for
ever, were more and more annoyed to see my preparations for future defence. They tried to
discourage and alarm me, saying that perhaps I was not aware that there was an Act of
Parliament which forbade any person to erect fortifications or mount guns without the
special permission of government. I answered them that I knew all about it as well as they
did, but I had no fear of disturbance on that head after the marks of friendship and
esteem I had received from the government, and even were it otherwise, I would much rather
fall into the hands of an English jury than a French privateer.
I made an application to government for powder and ball for my cannons,
and they promptly furnished me with five hundred cannon balls and four barrels of powder.
I did not require any stronger proof of their approbation of my fort.
204 A TALE OF
By the month of November I had completed all my preparations, and the
Lord Lieutenant having returned to Dublin, I thought it might be for my advantage to go
there, and tell him all that I had done. While at Bear Haven, I had from time to time been
able to render material assistance merchant vessels in distress, and more than once to
ships of war, and I took with me certificates of these facts.
Upon my arrival in Dublin I was received by the Council with the utmost
kindness, and they at once voted me L50 as a temporary assistance till something better
could be done for me, and they advised me to claim a pension for my services, and
recommended me officially for that purpose to the Lord Lieutenant. After a while he
ordered the Secretary of State for Ireland to give me a letter to the Secretary of Lord
Godolphin, then Lord High Treasurer of England. I went to England with this introduction
in April 1705, and while I was in London urging my claim, the Duke of Ormond came there,
and was of essential service to me in obtaining the pension, and likewise treated me it
all times with the most uniform kindness and attention.
The warrant for my pension was presented to me on the 17th October
1705, and here follows a copy of the document.
THE HUGUENOTS. 205
(COPY. )
"To our right trusty and right entirely beloved Cousin and
Counsellor James Duke of Ormond, our Lieutenant General and General Governor of our
kingdom of Ireland, and to our Lieutenant Deputy or other chief governor or governors of
that our kingdom for the time being.
Anne. R.
"Right trusty and right entirely beloved cousin and Counsellor, we
greet you well. Whereas James Fontaine, Clerk, did by his humble petition to us pray that
we would be graciously pleased to bestow on him a pension of five shillings a day on our
establishment of our kingdom of Ireland, in consideration of his good services in his
defence against a French Privateer, and the great charge he is at in securing the remote
port he lives in against the insults of the French, and whereas our High Treasurer of
England hath laid before us a report made by you upon the said petition wherein you
certify that the petitioner is settled in a very remote port, in Bear Haven, in our said
kingdom, which place is very much infested with the privateers, that he hath built a very
strong house with a small sort of sod fort, on which he hath the permission of our said
government to mount five
18
THE HUGUENOTS. 206
guns, that he hath often been in danger of being attacked by the Privateers, and that by
the continuance of the said fort he hath protected several merchant ships, that there hath
been produced to you several very ample certificates from the merchants of Dublin and of
Cork of the commodiousness of that place for securing merchant ships, as also from the
Captains of our ships the Arundel and the Bridgewater, and that upon the whole you are of
opinion that the said James Fontaine very well deserves our favour and encouragement, in
consideration of his said services and expenses, and in regard he is a French Refugee, you
propose that a pension of five shillings a day may be inserted for him on the
establishment, under the head of French Pensioner, to commence from Michaelmas 1705. Now,
we, having taken the premises into our Royal consideration, are graciously pleased to
consent thereunto, and accordingly our will and pleasure is, and we do hereby direct,
authorise, and command, that you cause the said pension or allowance of five shillings a
day to be paid to him the said James Fontaine, or his assignees from Michaelmas last 1705,
as aforesaid, for maintaining the said fort for the better preservation of our subjects of
our said Kingdom against the insults of French Privateers, the same to continue during our
pleasure, and to be placed for him in the list of French Pen-
THE HUGUENOTS. 207
sioners on the establishment of our expense in our said kingdom, and paid in like manner
as others the pensions within the said list are or shall be payable. And this shall be as
well to you for so doing, as to our Lieutenant deputy or other chief governor, or
governors of our said kingdom for the time being, and to our Receiver General, and all
others concerned in making the said payments, and allowing thereof upon account a
sufficient warrant, and so bid you very heartily farewell."
"Given at our Court at St. James, the twelfth day of October,
1705, in the fourth year of our reign."
"By her Majesty's command."
"GODOLPHIN."
"Entered at the signet office on the 17th day of October, 1705. Geo.: Wooddeson dep."
My inventive genius had now quite forsaken me, but you see, my dear
children, that providence had not. It is the same God who at first called light out of
darkness who frustrated the designs of our enemies, and turned to our profit and honor
that enterprise by which they had expected to seal our ruin. If it had not been for their
cruel attack we should never have become known to those persons who have shown us so much
kindness; and let us never forget
208 A TALE OF
that it is to our Heavenly Father we owe all our gratitude for inclining towards us the
heart of a kind and charitable earthly Sovereign. The signal failure of our adversaries'
schemes reminded me of Samson's enigma "Out of the eater came forth meat, and out of
the strong came forth sweetness."
I must not omit to mention that while I was in London I stayed the
whole time at the house of my Cousin John Arnauld; he treated me with the greatest
hospitality and kindness, and would never accept of a single farthing for my board, and
moreover he lent me nearly L30 to further my views in obtaining a pension, and that too at
a time when he saw little or no chance of my ever being in a situation to repay it. Thanks
be to God, I have since been so successful in my school that it has enabled me to return
him this money.
During my absence from home Privateers were occasionally seen hovering
about the mouth of the harbor, one only approached near to the house, and appeared to be
taking the same course that had been followed by the vessel that attacked us. My wife vas
very prompt in having the cannons loaded, and she had one of them fired to show that all
wsn in readiness for defence, and when they saw this, they turned about, landed on Great
Island, stole some cattle and sailed away.
THE HUGUENOTS. 209
After my return we were several times threatened with a descent, but it
ended in nothing more than giving us a little fright, and making us brush up our arms, for
when they saw we were in a state of preparation, they went off, contenting themselves with
stealing whatever they could lay their hands on.
210 A TALE OF
CHAPTER XV.
Attacked by second Privateer--Out houses fired--Breach in the
wall--Wounded--Surrender--Carried away as a prisoner--Expostulate with
Captain--Ransomed--Peter left as a hostage--His deportment.
WITH a constant apprehension of attack before us we lived on the "qui vive,"
from the 1st. June 1704 until the 8th. October 1708, when with all our precautions we were
actually taken by surprise.
A French Privateer entered the harbour during the night and anchored
off Bear Haven, about five miles from our house, and entirely out of sight.
At that time a company of soldiers was quartered among the Irish in the
Half Barony, and the Captain who commanded them lodged and boarded at my house, but
unluckily both he and the Lieutenant happened then to be absent at Bantry, and the Ensign
was left in command of the company. He was an imprudent, inexperienced young man, entirely
destitute of judgment.
The Privateer hoisted English colors by way of deception, and she
succeeded to her wish, for the En-
THE HUGUENOTS. 211
sign no sooner discovered her, than, concluding she was a vessel just arrived from
America, he went down with two or three soldiers of his company, in great haste to be the
first on board her, in order to regale himself with rum punch, a beverage of which he was
unhappily much too fond. He was a prisoner from the instant he set his foot on board the
vessel, but the Captain and officers behaved towards him with the greatest civility. He
was a little shocked at first, but they made him so welcome, treating him to the best of
wine and brandy that he soon lost the remembrance of his situation, and gave the Captain
every information he wanted, and it was of a nature to encourage him exceedingly, for he
told him that the soldiers were dispersed throughout the country and without any
commander, the Captain and Lieutenant both being absent, and that he was sure nothing
would be easier than to surprise me, for I had nobody with me but my own family. Upon the
strength of this information the Captain had three boats prepared to go ashore, sent
eighty men in them, commanded by his two Lieutenants, who were both Irishmen born within
the Barony.
A great proportion of the crew were Irishmen, and amongst them was one
Sullivan, whose life I had formerly saved, when he was proclaimed as a tory and a robber,
and after he fled to France I had com-
A TALE OF 212
passion on his unhappy wife whom he had left with seven or eight children, and I allowed
her to live rent free upon my farm, and fearing the family might perish with hunger, I
returned to her a milch cow and ten or twelve sheep, which I had received from Sullivan
himself for rent before he went away. And this was the man who came to recompense me by
acting as guide to the party; for he knew better than any one else the exact situation of
my house and every thing belonging to it.
They quitted the ship at midnight, landed before it was light, and
commenced their march about daybreak, in perfect silence and stooping very low, in order
that they might be neither seen nor heard. An Irish servant who was fetching home the cows
was the first person to discover them, marching in good order, and only, about the
distance of a long musket shot from the house. He ran home as fast as he could, and cried
out that we were all lost, for a number of armed men were in sight. We got up directly and
I ordered every door to be shut; but there was so much bustle and confusion that they
forgot to close the gates of the large court in front, and even the house door below the
tower was left open; this the enemy perceived, as we afterwards learned, but dared not
approach, thinking it was a feint, and that we must have a loaded cannon within, ready to
THE HUGUENOTS. 213
fire upon them. When the men were near enough to hear me I hailed them through a speaking
trumpet, and told them if they were friends to stop, and let us know who they were; and if
enemies, I called upon them to come forward and we would receive them with vigor.
In the mean time my children were busily engaged loading our arms and
putting them in order, and as the men still continued to advance I desired my oldest son
to fire from the garret window our large gun whose barrel was six feet in length; this
made them lower their heads; they then separated into different parties, and hiding
themselves by means of the hedges and ditches contrived to get round to the back of the
house. Their first act was to set fire to the malt house which was at the east, then to
straw, and grain, and hay stacks which were at the north and east, and at last to the cow
house, stable, and long fish press which were at the west of my house. These being of very
combustible materials, in less than half an hour we were encompassed with flames on every
side but one, and by reason of the fire and smoke between us and them, we were unable to
see any of our enemies, and our lungs were dreadfully oppressed by the smoke which found
its way in at every crevice.
I ordered the servants to fill all the tubs and buck-
214 A TALE OF
ets that could be found with water, which fortunately for us flowed into the kitchen, and
then immerse sheep-skins with the wool upon them, and ox-skins, of which we had many in
the house, and when thoroughly soaked to cover the windows with them, as being the most
exposed parts of the house; the roof was slated and so there was little danger of the fire
being communicated to us in that direction. My dear wife superintended this department.
Our whole garrison consisted of our children, your mother and myself,
and four servants, two of the latter were mere cow boys, and the other two had never seen
a battle. We fired haphazard as fast as we could load; I say so, because we could actually
see nothing but fire and smoke. My great apprehension was that they might seize our
cannon, and turn them against ourselves, and therefore I thought the best thing I could do
was to fire my large blunderbuss every few minutes in the direction of the cannon; and
once after I had fired I thought I discovered that they had been making an attempt, for
there was much noise and confusion, and it was evident they were carrying away a wounded
man. I could hear them very distinctly, but I saw nothing; however I continued from time
to time to fire in the same direction.
After a while we perceived that the door of which
THE HUGUENOTS. 215
I have already spoken was open, and I sent some one to shut it, and continued firing at
random.
I caught a glimpse of one of the enemy setting fire to the covering of
the fish press, and took deliberate aim at him with my blunderbuss loaded as usual with
swan shot, and wounded him in several places but not seriously.
While the stacks of grain were burning and we were being suffocated
with the smoke, our adverseries raised a little mound of turf and wood, and intrenched
themselves behind it, and they set to work with long poles to detach the slates from the
roof of the north-east tower. As soon as they had uncovered a portion, they attached
burning straw to the end of their poles, and in that way set the roof on fire three
several times, and we as often extinguished it from within.
About two o'clock in the afternoon, they succeeded in making a breach
in the wall of this same north-east tower, and as we could see them at work with iron
bars, my children took one of those large baskets used in the country for peat to the
corner opposite the hole that was made, put a mattress on the top of the basket, and
kneeling behind this rampart they fired one after the other as fast as they possibly
could; they were hard at work all the time but did not dare to show their noses.
216 A TALE OF
The enemy did not relax at all in their efforts to fire the roof with
long poles armed with fire brands, and at last, the smoke subsiding a little, I hit upon a
position from which I could see to take aim at their hands as they raised them above the
intrenchment to guide the poles, and I fired, apparently with some success. Seeing however
that they still persevered I began to think it probable that I had not put a sufficient
charge in my piece, and when I loaded it again I determined to use a double quantity of
powder. I had no sooner put in the charge, than I had an opportunity of trying it, for I
saw a hand raised, and I fired. The piece being overcharged, burst, and I was thrown down
with great violence, three of my ribs and my right collar-bone were broken, and the flesh
of my right hand was very much torn. I was so completely stunned that I had no power to
move or even to breathe for some seconds. My wife saw the fall and supposed I had received
a ball from the enemy, she ran to my assistance, and raised me up without making the
slightest noise. As soon as I was able to speak I explained to her that I was wounded by
the bursting of my own piece. I was now completely "hors de combat," but I had
already done my part, for during the course of the morning I had fired five pounds of swan
shot from my now disabled piece. While I was prostrated, my dearest
THE HUGUENOTS. 217
wife had an eye to every thing, she went round to furnish ammunition and to give courage
to all, as well by her exhortations as by her example.
In the mean time, the enemy had enlarged the breach until it was from
four to five feet square; nevertheless, they derived no advantage from it, my sons kept up
such an incessant fire from behind their mattress rampart. At last, a grenade was thrown
it at the breach which ran under the basket, exploded, and overturned the whole affair,
without (thanks be to God) doing any harm except giving my sons a fright which made them
abandon their post for a very short time. One of them ran to me, in great dismay, to tell
me that the hole was as large as any door, and that the enemy were entering by it; the
other boys were still firing from the dormer windows.
I immediately rose from the bed, asked for a pistol ready loaded and
cocked, which I took in my left hand, the right being useless. I called my children
together, and said to them, "I see, my dear children, that we must inevitably fall a
sacrifice to the number of our enemies, but do not let them kill us like dogs, rather let
us sell our lives dearly and die like lions;" and while I was speaking I continued
advancing towards the room into which the breach was made.
A melancholy sight it was, but at the same time a
19
218 A TALE OF
gratifying one, to behold these poor boys, as soon as I had done speaking, re-enter the
room and take their old position without a word or a gesture indicative of fear; they
replaced their basket and mattress exposed to the fire of more than ten muskets. Blessed
be thou oh God! who preserved them untouched amid such a shower of balls.
When they began to fire, the enemy retreated from the breach, and dared
not raise their heads again, or even so much as their hands, and thus their fire was all
thrown away; for by not raising the butt ends of their muskets, they carried too high and
went far above us every time. Seeing that we did not give way in the least, they began to
tire of our obstinate resistance. It was possible they might have overheard my address to
the children, added to which, they were under the impression that we had at least twenty
men from the constant fire that was kept up in every direction, as well as upon the main
point of attack. They called out to us to surrender and we should have good quarter.
I held a consultation with my wife and children, and we determined at
any rate to listen to their proposal. We ceased firing, they did the same, and I advanced
to the breach to hold a parley with them. One of the Irish Lieutenants came forward and
took aim at me, my second son Peter saw him before I did
THE HUGUENOTS. 219
and immediately caught hold of me and drew me aside, barely in time to save me from this
treachery, for the ball passed within three inches of my stomach.
I was extremely indignant and cried out, "Ah ! Traitors! was it
then to surprise me that you called me to parley with you? Fire upon these traitors my
sons, fire ;" which the poor boys did without loss of time and with all their hearts.
I had foolishly exposed myself to imminent danger, by placing
confidence in the good faith of an enemy whom I might have been sure was altogether
destitute of such a virtue, but a watchful and kind providence interposed for my
deliverance.
We kept up an incessant fire for another quarter of an hour, and then
they called to us again, and made a second offer of good quarter.
I reproached them with their recent perfidy, and told them I could not
trust people who had already attempted to betray the confidence I had reposed in them.
They then made a threat that if we did not surrender they would throw a barrel of powder
in the breach and blow us up.
"I have three or four at your service," said I, "and I
intend to scatter their contents over this door and the inner hall, and whenever you are
pleased to approach, I will throw a lighted turf upon it and
220 A TALE OF
make you dance. You may depend upon one thing that I will not perish without you."
This desperate reply induced them to offer good quarter once more.
I said, "I do not know what you mean by good quarter, but this I
know that I am resolved not to surrender unconditionally, I would rather perish with all
my family than do so."
They then left off firing and called to me to order my people to do
likewise, so we had a cessation of hostilities on both sides. Their proposition was that
they should be allowed to plunder, to which I consented, for with our lives we must of
course lose our goods.
I demanded life and liberty for myself and all who were with me; but as
they spoke English, I said, "I do not choose to have any thing to do with English or
Irishmen in making the treaty. I look upon myself as a British subject, and as such I will
only treat with the French who are at war with England, and I request the French Commander
will put his head to the breach, and I assure him that he may do so with perfect safety,
for we have no traitors in our ranks."
Then came forward one of those rascally Irish Lieutenants, Carty, alias
La Touche, who was commender of the party and could speak French as well
THE HUGUENOTS. 221
as I could. I told him that as an Irishman I placed no reliance upon him, and that I would
treat with him only as the authorised agent of the French Captain. I repeated to him in
French the terms of capitulation. Life and liberty guaranteed to all of us, and strictly
honorable deportment on their part while in possession, and they were to have the plunder.
They swore to the observance of this as French. men and men of honor.
After which, I said, "I am now going to open the door for your admittance, and I warn
you beforehand that I will allow no one to enter by any other way, and should you attempt
to come in by the breach I shall shoot you directly."
This was agreed to also, and I had the doors opened and ranged myself,
my wife, my sons, and four servants in regular order to surrender our arms to the
commander as he entered.
"Thou knowest, Oh God! our preserver! and none else can know, what
was the state of my feelings at that moment, to see my beloved wife and dear children at
the mercy of enemies, fourteen of whom we had wounded. Oh! what everlasting praises do we
owe to thee for our preservation. It was thou who restrained these bloodthirsty wretches
from executing the vengeance they had sworn against us. Oh God! I beseech thee to sanctify
the lives which
19*
222 A TALE OF
thou hast so miraculously preserved, and assist us to devote them to thy service."
When the commander and a good many of his men had entered, they looked
anxiously around seeing only five youths and four cow-herds, and asked me where all my
people were, evidently suspecting that I had laid an ambush.
"You need not fear any thing dishonorable from me," I said,
"you see all our garrison."
"Impossible ! " said he, ''these children could not possibly
have kept up all the firing."
My wife then spoke, and said "I am in hopes, Sir, that the fact of
so few persons having made so gallant a defence will be an inducement to you, whom I trust
we shall find a man of honor, to treat us with the more consideration. Are you,"
added she, "the commander of this party?"
"I am, Madam," said he. I
She then handed him her keys, and intreated him to restrain his
followers within strict bounds, which he promised to do. I told him, that I had forgotten
to stipulate for my books, but that as they would be altogether useless to them, I hoped
he would grant me the indulgence of retaining them in my own possession. He promised that
they should be spared, and for a time he kept a guard at my study door, but soon after
they entered it and plundered there as else-
THE HUGUENOTS. 223
where, taking all the handsomest books, and leaving behind a few that looked old and were
badly bound. The house was very completely furnished, and as we had never thought of a
surrender until it actually took place, we had not had time or opportunity to secrete
anything. We were stripped of every article both of furniture and clothing even to our
coats, for in the heat of action we had taken them off to have more freedom in the use of
our arms.
They not only filled their own three boats with the booty, but they
took three of mine and loaded them also. When they were ready to depart they took me and
my two oldest boys and two of the servants with them as prisoners. It was all in vain for
me to remind them that it was an infraction of the treaty they had made with me previous
to our surrender. Their reply was, that my name had made so much noise amongst the
Privateers at St. Maloes that they dared not return to the vessel without me, the
Captain's order to-them was peremptory, not to come back unless they had me with them dead
or alive. They promised me faithfully, however, that as soon as the Captain had seen me, I
should be set at liberty. My remonstrances were of no avail, go I must, and by the time I
reached the vessel I had become so entirely powerless from the effect of my wounds and
frac-
224 A TALE OF
tures, that they were obliged to hoist me like a log; I could not assist myself the least
in the world.
As soon as the crew saw me alongside, they all shouted "Vive le
Roi," and repeated it three times in grand chorus.
This roused me from my pain and depression; and when they ceased
shouting, I raised my voice to its highest pitch, and said, "Gentlemen, how long it
is since victories have been so rare in France, that you are glad to avail yourselves of
such an occasion as the present to sing in triumph? I am ashamed, positively ashamed, of
my native country, to hear rejoicings over such a victory. A glorious achievement truly!
Eighty men all accustomed to warfare have actually been so successful as to compel one
poor Minister, four cow-herds, and five children to surrender upon terms. And,
furthermore, Gentlemen I would have you to know, that though I do appear before you as a
prisoner, it is in direct violation of the treaty made with your commanding officer, and
sworn to by him previous to our surrender. He cannot deny that he has broken his faith,
and committed a flagrant offence against the established Law of Nations."
I was then carried to the Captain's Cabin, and I renewed my complaint,
telling him of the treaty which his authorised agent had made with me, and
THE HUGUENOTS. 225
I added, "Sir, I assure you that if I had had the least idea of being carried off as
a prisoner, so far from surrendering, I would have resisted as long as I had breath in my
body. I trust, under the circumstances, you will see the justice of restoring me to
liberty immediately."
He answered me with much courtesy of manner, and said, "I cannot
tell you how delighted I am to have on board my vessel a man of such undaunted courage,
and whose name has made so much noise."
"You may indeed, Sir," said I, "find to your cost that
my name is pretty well known in England and Ireland. I have received so many marks of
friendship from the Lords in Council at the Irish seat of government, that I feel certain
as soon as they are aware of my situation, and especially of the fact that my being made a
prisoner at all was contrary to a sworn treaty, they will send instructions to Kinsale to
retaliate upon the French prisoners there, which may probably bring you into a little
trouble."
"What!" said he, "do you dare to make use of
threats?"
"No, no, I only give you fair warning of what will most assuredly
come to pass. This unjustifiable conduct of yours will be the occasion of many an honest
man suffering hardships, to which the mere circumstance of his being a captive would not
sub-
226 A TALE OF
ject him; probably friends of your own may be among the number; and nobody will give you
any thanks for what you are doing."
"Never mind," said he, "let us drink a glass of wine
together now, and discuss these matters in the morning. "
"I want no wine," said I, " but I stand in great need of
repose, and of having my wounds dressed."
The surgeon was thereupon summoned, and he applied some linen dipped in
brandy. Notwithstanding the number of good beds they had just brought from my house, it
was with great difficulty that I could obtain a very poor one to lie down upon, and a
coarse sheet and coverlid to throw over me. I was placed between decks with the bed
resting upon some cordage. This was Saturday night, 8th October, 1708.
Our noble Ensign, who ought to have protected us, was still on board,
as drunk as a hog; he was in excellent spirits, and on the best of terms with the Captain
and crew, to whom he was infinitely grateful for indulging him in his vicious propersity.
The next day being Sunday, he was sent ashore early in the morning without having received
the least injury, or being deprived of any thing whatsoever. My two sons and the servants
were sent away at the same time, and I alone detained. When
THE HUGUENOTS. 227
the boat returned from landing them the Captain gave orders to raise the anchor.
My wife did not sit down quietly to bemoan and lament over her
misfortunes, as many would have done in her situation, but was in action at once to
endenvour to remedy them. She went early in the morning to the place where the Papists
said Mass to see the Priest, and persuade him if possible to go after the vessel, and use
his influence to obtain my liberty. He positively refused. She dwelt upon the many
obligations that I had from time to time laid his people under, and the numbers of them I
had saved from the gallows; but it was all in vain. Finding persuasion useless, she
changed her tone and had recourse to threats, pointing out to him that he would inevitably
expose himself to the resentment of those in power, if he persisted in refusing to assist
a man who was so much and so deservedly esteemed by the Lord Lieutenant, and the Council.
She succeeded no better than before, and seeing the vessel under sail, she determined to
follow it by land as long as she could.
The weather was clear, calm and mild. Our Captain proceeded to the
Island of Durzey and found my wife waiting upon the promontory till the vessel got
opposite to it. She made a signal with her apron tied to the end of a stick, and a boat
was despatched
228 A TALE OF
to hear what she had to say. She had taken the precaution of borrowing a speaking trumpet,
and thus she was able to carry on conversation, from the cliff on which she was standing,
with those who were below in the boat. After a great deal of bargaining, and many
difficulties raised, they at last agreed to set me at liberty upon the payment of L100
sterling. All this time I was stretched on my pallet between decks, and was in total
ignorance of what was going forward.
The privateer remained off the Island of Durzey waiting for my wife's
return with the money, and she was gone to try to borrow it. She was unable to procure
more than L30, and the greater part of this sum I had paid to Boyd for rent only five days
before we were attacked. Unable to raise more she came back to the vessel accompanied by
our second son Peter, several of our tenants, and our friend Mr. Hutchins of Bear Haven.
The Captain agreed to give me up on condition of his having the L30 she
had brought with her, and retaining one of my sons as a hostage for the payment of the
remaining L70. He paid her many compliments upon the courage she had displayed, and told
her he looked upon her as a second Judith.
She replied, "I should have felt more honored if you had compared
me to Deborah; but I am far from
THE HUGUENOTS. 229
being surprised that you should not be well versed in books that you are prohibited from
reading."
My deliverance was accomplished, but it was upon hard terms, and I felt
melancholy indeed at leaving my poor dear boy in my stead.
When we came away, that traitor, Sullivan, of whom I have already
spoken, took me upon his shoulders, and climbed with me up the rocks. He had waited upon
me the whole time I was on board the privateer, for I was literally as helpless as an in.
fans. I reproached him with his treachery. "How could you find in your heart, after
all that I had done for you and yours, to act the part of guide to my enemies?"
He tacitly acknowledged his ingratitude, for he replied, "I have
not a word to say in excuse for my conduct."
It was late on Monday night, almost Tuesday morning, when I was
ransomed by the exertions of my wife and the tenderness of my sons; I say sons, because,
though only one was left, they were all equally anxious to have taken my place. James
could not be spared, he was old enough to look after the farm and take care of the few
cattle remaining to us. Peter, being next in age, would not hear of any one but himself
being selected.
On the night of Tuesday, the eleventh day of Oc-
20
230 A TALE 0F
tober, I slept at Bear Haven at the house of Mr. Hutchins, and the next day I went in a
boat to Bantry, in order to have the requisite surgical assistance, and in going there we
passed near enough to have a view of our now desolate mansion.
My wife waited to see me comfortably settled under the care of a
skilful French surgeon, and she then went to Cork to endeavour to raise the L70 for the
payment of which Peter was retained as a hostage. The Bishop lent her twenty guineas, and
she could easily have borrowed the remainder from other friends, but the merchants of
Cork, upon bearing the particulars of the affair, set their faces against any payment
being made, and assured her that our son would soon be liberated without it, and their
reasoning seemed to her so sound that she returned the Bishop what he had kindly lent to
her, and declined borrowing any more. She also contrived to have a letter sent privately
to Peter, exhorting him to keep up his courage, and have patience, and that she had no
doubt he would soon be set at liberty without ransom, but advised him to appear ignorant
of it.
The privateer hovered about the Island of Durzey for a long time,
waiting for the money. Peter conducted himself remarkably well on board the ship, and
evinced much more both of prudence and courage than might have been expected from so young
THE HUGUENOTS. 231
a lad. The steadiness of his deportment attracted the attention of the Captain, and he
placed so much confidence in him as to give into his charge the key of the liquors, and
this caused the whole crew to pay court to him.
While he was in the privateer she was one day chased by a British man
of war; it was proposed to him to hide himself in the hold, which he declined; a musket
was then offered to him that he might assist in the defence, but he said, "No, I
would rather fight for the English than against them, for I regard them as my friends and
countrymen."
The English vessel was inferior in point of sailing and thus they
escaped from her.
The Captain had a son with him about Peter's age, a vain, disagreeable
boy, much disliked by the officers of the ship; he came to Peter one day, being
intoxicated at the time, and with a drawn sword in his hand threatened to kill him. Peter
seized a sword to defend himself, and succeeded in disarming the drunken boy, and lowering
his importance, much to the satisfaction of the bystanders.
When they reached St. Maloes, the Governor of Brest condemned the
Captain very much for his misconduct in bringing a hostage away with him, in direct
contravention of the Law of Nations, and he
232 A TALE OF
would not suffer Peter to be landed and placed with the other prisoners.
The poor Captain was sadly perplexed, and nothing would have pleased
him so much as Peter running away, and thus getting him out of his dilemma, and he had it
hinted to him that he was a great fool not to make his escape; but after the letter he had
received from his mother, he very properly considered that it would be an act of great
folly to leave the vessel in a foreign country, when he had every reason to expect that he
would be taken home again. After remaining a while at St. Maloes, the vessel went out on
another cruise, Peter still in her.
THE HUGUENOTS. 233
CHAPTER XVI.
Affidavit before magistrates--Retaliation on French prisoners--Removal to Dublin--Hire a
haunted house--Claim compensation from the county of Cork--Disturbance in lamented house--
School--Education of children--Peter goes to college--John obtains a commission in the
army--Moses and Francis enter college--Moses studies law--Emigration to America--Marriage
of children--My wife's death--Failure of health--Conclusion.
LEAVING Peter on his cruise, I will return to myself. As soon as I was well enough to get
on horseback, I rode over to Kinsale with my son James, and two of the servants, and
waited upon the chief magistrate to make an affidavit before him, to the effect that after
capitulating upon terms, with the express stipulation that we should have life and
liberty, I had been forcibly carried away as a prisoner, and had only been released on the
payment of L30, and leaving one of my sons as a hostage for the payment of other L70.
The governor or commanding officer at Kinsale as a retaliatory measure
immediately put all the French officers in irons who had been taken in the
20*
234 A TALE OF
war and were stationed there, and he sent a copy of the affidavit to Plymouth where there
were numbers of French prisoners, and all of them were also put in irons. You will readily
believe that the letters of complaint from Kinsale and Plymouth were very numerous.
By the time the Captain returned to St. Haloes a second time, public
feeling was much excited against him, and he was summoned to appear before the Governor of
Brest who wished to put him in prison, and even threatened to hang him. He made the most
humble apologies, and was set at liberty only upon promising that he would convey Peter
immediately to the place from whence he had taken him. Thus he was restored to our arms,
and we have never paid the L70.
I went to Dublin with all my family except James, and it is unnecessary
to say that we were in miserable plight.
I waited upon General Ingleby one of the Council, and he presented me
at once with a warrant for L100, which was the more acceptable as it was altogether
unexpected. He had applied for it as soon as he heard of my misfortunes, and that L100 was
the sum demanded for my ransom.
I had made the acquaintance of this valuable friend only two months
before our disaster. He had been
THE HUGUENOTS. 235
deputed by government to make a tour of observation along the south-west coast of Ireland
to select the most suitable harbour upon which to erect a fortification. I went as far as
Dunmannus, thirty six miles from home, to give him the meeting, and invite him to stay at
my house when he came into our neighbourhood.
He accepted my invitation, and he, and his whole retinue remained with
me three days, during which time I treated them as hospitably as I possibly could, making
them welcome to the best the country afforded; and having had a little notice beforehand,
we had had time to make preparation, and I was able to have a many as fourteen or fifteen
different dishes on the table every day, and a great variety of wine. He has been one of
my best friends from that day to this. You may here observe the hand of Providence which
raised up for me beforehand this powerful friend against the day of need.
I determined to make Dublin my future residence, and to maintain my
family by keeping a school for instruction in Latin, Greek, and French.
I found a house on St. Stephen's Green that I thought would answer our
purpose extremely well. It was originally well built, but a good deal out of repair, owing
to its having been long without tenant, and it had the reputation of being haunted by evil
236 A TALE OF
spirits. My wife and I, having no apprehension of disturbance from any unearthly
visitants, were very glad to get this house upon lower terms in consequence of the
prejudice that existed. I got a lease for ninety nine years at L10 per annum. It was forty
feet square, had substantial stone walls, and all the carpenter's work was of oak, and it
had a yard and garden three hundred feet in depth and the width of the house.
I was obliged to leave Dublin before taking possession of it, in order
to prosecute my claim upon the county of Cork for the damage I had received at the hands
of Irishmen in the French privateer. By law, the county is liable to make good all losses
sustained by violence and robbery, provided the persons commilting the act are natives and
not foreigners.
I had given due notice to the High Constable of the Barony, within the
time limited by Act of Parliament, and all that now remained for me to do was to prove the
facts to the satisfaction of the Grand Jury for the county of Cork. I took my son James,
and two of the servants with me as witnesses, and I had no difficulty whatever in proving
the robbery, and also that there were many Irishmen amongst the assailants. I presented an
inventory of what I had lost, particularising those articles which had been
THE HUGUENOTS. 237
carried away, and those which had been destroyed by fire.
No one was more active in my behalf than Captain Cox, the son of
chancellor Cox whom I have named before as accompanying the Duke of Ormond to the south of
Ireland. It happened that I had made him a present of a handsome watch only three days
before the privateer attacked us. The watch was a good time-piece, but attracted his
notice from a portrait of the late Queen, wife of James II, which was on the back of it,
and as he admired it much I gladly availed myself of the opportunity of making him an
acceptable present. I had received it in barter for some of my manufactures during our
residence m England. When he heard of my losses he wished to return it, but I would not
consent, for if I had not given it to him, the pirates would certainly have carried it
off.
The Grand Jury, after examination, awarded me L800, to be paid by the
county of Cork, in conformity with the Act of Parliament.
My wife had experienced some little annoyance during my absence from
Dublin. It appeared that the house we had taken had been occupied by some beggars, who
were allowed the use of it while it was untenanted, and my wife from the kindness of her
nature did not turn them out of the house when she
238 A TALE OF
took possession of it. The first night neither she, nor the children, who were all in the
room with her, could get any sleep for the constant noises that they heard in the house.
These vagabonds were trying to frighten her as they had done many others who had thought
to occupy the house, and had given it up again after hearing what they thought
supernatural noises. She bore this patiently the first night, and believing she had
discovered the secret, made her preparations accordingly for the second night.
She borrowed fire arms and swords, and calling the people before dark,
she told them to be sure not to leave their rooms on any account when the noises recurred
that night, because she had provided herself with arms, and that she and her sons intended
to fire upon the evil spirit that made the disturbance, and therefore they would see the
necessity of keeping out of the way for fear they might be killed by accident. As may be
supposed the evil spirits were never heard more.
On my return from Cork I turned them all out of the house, and had it
put into perfect repair, which, with some little alterations I made in it, did not cost me
less than L450. In this house I have lived ever since, and have had a very good school,
both day scholars and boarders, and I have been thus enabled to give my children an
education inferior in no re-
THE HUGUENOTS. 239
spect to that bestowed upon the first nobles in the land. They have had masters for
writing, drawing, dancing and fencing; and with me they have prosecuted their studies in
Latin, Greek, Geography, Mathematics and Fortification. I have never spared any expense in
furnishing them with opportunities of improvement, girls as well as boys. My daughters, in
addition to the more solid branches of education, have been instructed in drawing, and in
every variety of ornamental needle-work.
Let us pause for a moment to reflect upon the mercies and loving
kindness of our Heavenly Father, and our own short-sightedness. How distressing did it
appear to lose at Bear Haven all the property for which I had toiled so many years, and
the last mostly disastrous overthrow appeared particularly hard; yet, without it, I should
never have been able to clear myself of debt, and I should have been obliged to remain at
Bear Haven, and bring you all up in that desert, where it would have been absolutely
impossible for me to have given you the excellent educations you have received in Dublin;
and from this I wish you to arrive at the conclusion, that God knows what is good for us
much better than we do ourselves. If this becomes your settled conviction, there is no
language equal to describing the peace of mind that it will cause. For my own part, I
endeavour to receive
240 A TALE
OF
with perfect submission every dispensation from the hand of my Maker; even though I see
nothing but poverty, sorrows, and afflictions, grievous to the flesh I can wait patiently
his good time, for I know that in the end the result will be for the benefit of me and
mine.
Here follows an incident quite to the purpose. General Ingleby, whose
friendship was so great that he was always on the look out for something to benefit us,
thought he had hit upon a plan that would be agreeable. He had received orders to send all
the half pay officers that were in Ireland to Spain, and he entered the names of Peter and
John upon the list without saying anything to us until he had done so. The boys were wild
with joy at the idea of entering the army, and escaping from the drudgery of study.
I gave them very little recreation to be sure, except in the varieties
of their employments. Latin and Greek were studies which they were obliged to attend to as
tasks, and every thing else they learned, I endeavoured to make them consider as an
indulgence and relaxation.
We thought it was a decided point, but behold Mr. Secretary Dawson was
not so favorably inclined as General Ingleby, and he refused to make out their
commissions, telling the General that he exceeded his powers in entering, upon the
half-pay list, officers
THE HUGUENOTS. 241
who had never served. The General was much chagrined at this unexpected obstacle, but he
told us to have patience and perhaps he might yet have it in his power to serve us. The
boys were grievously disappointed, I was not; for though I was unwilling to decline a
thing that promised to be advantageous; at the same time I thought them full too young to
venture from under the shelter of a parent's wing, and I also preferred their continuing
longer at study.
The half-pay officers embarked at Cork, without them, to go to
Plymouth, there to join the fleet for Spain. In the passage they were attacked by a French
man of war, and though confessedly so inferior in size as not to warrant their resisting
yet the officers of the army who were on board, being very numerous, would not consent to
surrender, (though as mere passengers they should not have had a voice in the matter) and
they fought with desperation till one half were killed, and almost all the rest wounded,
and they had to surrender after all.
When the sad news reached us, I returned thanks to God with my whole
heart for having refused to me and mine what had been so ardently desired. Oh! my dear
children, learn to place your trust in that providence which will preserve you even in
spite of yourselves, if you will only trust in it. What a
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242 A TALE 0F
comfort it is to be able to realise that we are under the especial care of so wise, and so
powerful, and so benevolent a guide, one who only refuses to our prayers that which he
knows would be prejudicial to us.
In the month of June, 1711, Peter was ready to enter college. Dr. Hall
was his tutor, and with the greatest generosity and kindness he declined receiving any fee
from him, and he did the same by Moses and Francis when they went to college; by which I
consider he made us a present of L35 or L36, and in addition to this, he procured a
chamber for them free of rent and charges, which would have amounted to about L27 more,
and all this from pure benevolence and generosity, for we had never done any thing to
deserve such kindness at his hands.
About this time, Lord Wharton being Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, an
order was received to dispatch all the regiments that were in this country to Spain. In
examining the troops it was found that a great many sons of officers had been entered who
were mere children, therefore before sending them away, the Lord Lieutenant struck off
without any exception all under sixteen years of age as being too young for service. He
was a little too fond of money, and he availed himself of the vacancies he had created to
add to his store by selling the commissions for money. John had set his heart upon being a
soldier,
THE HUGUENOTS. 243
and by the advice of General Ingleby I waited upon Lord Wharton to apply for a commission
for him. I told him my circumstances did not allow my purchasing one. John also waited
upon him and showed him some specimens of his military drawings. He was handsome, very
well formed, and just seventeen years of age, and it appeared that he made a very
agreeable impression upon his Lordship, who said it was a pity so fine a young man should
not be put forward. I renewed my applications from time to time, and at last, on the eve
of departure, some of the commissions not having found purchasers, General Ingleby used
his interest and obtained an ensign's commision for John, without our having to pay any
thing more than the fees of office. We equipped him very completely at an expense of L 75.
He was in the regiment commanded by Colonel Shawe, a cruel, avaricious man, a drunkard,
and a debauchee, and he always looked with an evil eye upon John, because he had obtained
his commission through the favor of General Ingleby.
I leave John to tell his own story of his sufferings and mortifications
under such a Colonel, and of the severe illness he had in Spain. I feel myself bound
however to acknowledge in this place the great goodness of God in returning him to us safe
and sound, and though he had received several wounds and had
244 A TALE OF
wounded others, being often obliged to put his hand to his sword, yet he had never killed
any body. I bless God most especially for having preserved him amid dissolute companions,
and scenes of temptation from acquiring any vicious habit, and I earnestly beseech him to
continue his fatherly protection.
In June, 1712, Moses and Francis entered college with great approbation
from all the professors.
Francis was very young, and small of his age, but had great talents,
which he had most diligently cultivated, and he had sufficient confidence to bring all his
acquirements into play. He was the admiration of the whole college as long as he remained
there, which was seven years and a half.
I purchased an apartment in the college for the use of the three, and
after painting, putting necessary articles of furniture into it, making closets &c, it
stood me in L42. They always had the use of this apartment without interruption from any
one else, even when the two older ones left college, and Francis was alone, I made
interest that he should have no companion. My object we to avoid the possibility of their
being corrupted by vicious companions, or drawn from study by idle ones, which very often
happens to young persons whose characters are not firmly established. Thanks be to God
they preserved their purity of manners, and holiness of life.
245 THE HUGUENOTS
About two years afterwards, I entered Moses on the books of the Inns
of Court at the Temple, London, because he intended to be a lawyer. He continued to
study with great assiduity, and was very well endowed with talents, but he suffered a good
deal from timidity. He went to London in 1715, and remained a year and some months,
he then came home, and took his degree of Bachelor of Arts, for it was my wish that he
should have it in his power to pursue the study of Theology, if he should hereafter find
that he preferred it to law.
While Moses was in London, I went to the expense of entering Francis
also at the Inns of Court, seeing that he was of a very quick and ready turn, with great
fluency of language, I thought it more than probable he might choose the profession of a
lawyer, but thanks be to God he has chosen to dedicate himself to His service, and to
qualify himself for the Holy Ministry.
In November 1713, Captain Boulay; a French gentleman, a half-pay
cavalry officer, with whom I had no acquaintance, called upon me to offer his
grand-daughter in marriage to one of my sons. She was his sole descendant, her
father and mother were both dead, and she was to inherit all his property. He said
he had heard an excellent report of my sons that they had been well brought up, and
conducted
246 A TALE OF
themselves on every occasion with propriety, and were free from the follies and vices of
the age, and this made him wish to engage one of them as a protector for his grandchild
when he should be laid low. He said he preferred their virtues without fortune, to the
largest property unaccompanied by their piety and discretion. He was upwards of eighty
years of age and his grand daughter was about thirteen.
I thanked him very much for the flattering terms in which he had made
the proposal, and told him I thought the best plan would be for him to send her to us, as
though she were a boarder, and then we might observe which of my sons liked her the best,
and which of them she might feel a preference for.
This plan pleased him, and she came to us. She was of a very amiable
temper, and good natural disposition, with fair talents, but had been extremely neglected
in her education.
My sons consulted with each other, and Peter, by the advice of his
brothers, determined to marry her.
Marriage articles were drawn up, and on the 29th March, 1714, they were
married with great privacy, because Peter had not yet taken his degree of Bachelor of
Arts.
About this time we began to turn our eyes towards America as a country
that would be most suitable for the future residence of the family.
THE HUGUENOTS.
247
John, the officer, was without employment, and so it was determined
that he should make a voyage to America, travel through every part where the climate was
temperate, and purchase a plantation in such situation as he judged to be most favorable
in all respects.
He landed in Massachusetts, and travelled through that province, and
New York, New Jersey, Maryland and Virginia, and came to the conclusion that the last
named province possessed the greatest advantage. He purchased a plantation there, and also
found a Parish or Benefice in the vicinity of his purchase which he thought would suit
Peter, and wrote to him to that effect.
Captain Boulay died in March, 1715, which made Peter the owner of
L1,000, and having taken his degree, he was ready to be ordained, and as soon as he had
read John's letter, he went to London, and received ordination from the hands of the
Bishop of London, who is also Bishop of all the British colonies.
In February or March, 1716 Moses took his wife to join him in London,
and they embarked thence for Virginia, where they found John expecting them impatiently,
and I have had the satisfaction of learning that they are very comfortably settled.
Moses remained in London studying law.
248 A TALE OF
Francis was still at college and a very close student.
I was keeping school all the time, and had so great a number of
scholars as to be able fully to meet my heavy expenditure for the maintenance of my
family, and the education of my children.
I now felt that my sons were well able to provide for themselves, but I
could not help feeling a little anxiety as to what might become of my wife and two
daughters, in case it should please God to take me away from them. I had not been able to
lay any thing up, in consequence of the heavy expenses I had incurred for the education of
my children. At my death my pension would cease, and my school of course, and they would
be destitute.
Lord Galway was now Lord Lieutenant of Ireland; and I applied to him to
have my pension of five shillings a day transferred to my wife and daughters, one shilling
to my wife, and two shillings each to my daughters. He granted me the favor, and my name
was erased from the pension list, and their's entered in its place; by which I had a very
narrow escape from losing it altogether, without my wife and children deriving any benefit
from it.
Lord Galway's list was not approved in London, and many were deprived
of their pensions under
THE HUGUENOTS. 249
circumstances very similar to mine, but the same good providence which had so often
befriended me was still watchful, and raised up for me friends in Parliament, who spoke so
warmly in my behalf, when the subject came under discussion, that I was reinstated in my
pension as before.
While this was going on, my eldest daughter Mary Anne was married, with
the consent of the whole family, on the 20th October, 1716, to Matthew Maury, of Castel
Mauron, Gascony, a very honest man, and a good manager, but without property. He had lived
in Dublin about two years, and came thither from France as a Refugee.
James was the next who went to Virginia, he sailed with his wife and
child, his mother-in-law, and thirteen servants in April 1717, and had a long and most
disastrous voyage. The vessel sprung a leak, and they were obliged to pump twenty-six days
and nights without ceasing. They arrived in safety at last, and John met them, and
conducted them to a house he had provided, and he had been so considerate as to lay up
grain ready for their use.
In the same year, my son-in-law, Mr. Maury, went to Virginia, and was
so much pleased with the country that he took a portion of the land John had purchased,
and prepared every thing for a future resi-
250 A TALE OF
dence upon it, and returned for his wife and a son* that had been born to him during his
absence. They left us in September, 1719.
In this year, Moses became disgusted with the law, his natural timidity
was much against his succeeding in it, and he also had some scruples of conscience on the
subject. I wished him exceedingly to study theology, but I could not prevail upon him, he
said he was incapable of speaking in public, and had made up his mind to be an engraver,
which I did not approve of, though, rather than thwart him, I consented to it. He is now
settled in London, and
*This infant son, afterwards the Rev. James
Marry of Albemarle county, Virginia, was a highly estimable and useful clergyman of the
Church of England. He has been mentioned by Mr. Wirt in his Life of Patrick Henry, in a
manner scarcely justified by the circumstances of the case there recorded; for he brought
an action on behalf of himself and his clerical brethren merely for the recovery of their
lawful dues. To do away any unfavorable impression that record may have made, I cannot
forbear inserting, in an Appendix, an extract from a confidential letter of his to a
cousin in Great Britain, giving his views upon the Stamp Act. This letter is dated
December, 1765, and shows the writer to have been a man of strong and vigorous
understanding, wide awake to any thing like oppression, and ready to resist it. He died in
1768, and therefore did not see the struggle he appears to have foreseen.
--See Appendix.
THE HUGUENOTS. 251
I am told he is a good artist. It is very certain that he appeared to have a decided
talent for drawing when he was instructed in the art as a boy. May the Lord bless and
prosper him in an employment which he allowed him to desire so strongly.
John returned to London from Virginia, in May, 1719, and soon after
came home to us, and remained rather more than a year, when he accompanied Francis to
London. The latter, had been devoted to study from infancy, and had determined to be a
preacher of the gospel, he had taken his degree of Master of Arts, and was well skilled in
the Oriental languages, as well as in all the more usual branches of college education.
The Archbishop of Dublin gave him a most particular letter of recommendation to the Bishop
of London, from whom he recieved both Deacon's and Priest's orders, and many marks of
kindness. He was married in London to Miss Mary Glanisson a young lady of French
parentage, originally from Jonzac in Saintonge, and soon afterwards they sailed for
Virginia. The Bishop of London gave him a letter of introduction to the Governor of
Virginia.
When he arrived, he was so much admired by all who heard him preach,
that many parishes were desirous of having him for their pastor, and he gained the esteem
and friendship of all who came in contact
252 A TALE OF
with him. He is settled in St. Margaret's Parish, King William county, Virginia, where he
is so much beloved that his parishioners have bestowed favors upon him such as no previous
minister had received from them. I have lately had the gratification of hearing that God
has given him a son.
John, becoming weary of passing his time without any settled
occupation, has been learning the trade of a watchmaker from his cousin Peter Forestier,
with whom he always boarded in London, and who was much famed for his repeating watches.
By a late letter from John, I find he has begun to work on his own account, which I am
pleased to hear, for it will make him independent, in case he should be deprived of the
half-pay which he has hitherto received.
I have now, my dear children, given you a brief statement of the
present condition of each one of you, and I hope that you will add your individual
histories to this for the benefit of those who come after you.
My memoirs draw near a close. Your poor mother had suffered much from
rheumatism for three years before John and Francis left us, this painful disorder
continued to increase upon her till she was no longer able to go to Church, and then she
was greatly depresscd in her spirits. At length, her complaint turned to dropsy, and she
was unable to leave her
THE HUGUENOTS. 253
bed, and on the 29th Janr. 1721, her sufferings were ended by death.
A melancholy day it was that deprived me of my greatest earthly comfort
and consolation! I was bowed to the very dust, but it made me think of my own latter end,
and make preparation to join her once more.
During her illness, our dear daughter Elizabeth supplied the place of
all her brothers and sisters, (who had left her alone to comfort and sustain her aged
parents) she took the greatest possible care of her mother, and never spared herself in
any way, doing every thing that she thought would be acceptable and beneficial.
Though I was sadly overpowered by this great affliction, and much
enfeebled, I continued to attend to my school till the month of September in the same
year, when my health became so bad that I dismissed all my day scholars, as well as
boarders, in order that I might have leisure to prepare for the great and awful change
that I was assured could not be far distant, and it was my wish to withdraw from worldly
care and die in peace.
After remaining some months in a deplorable state, suffering from
constant low fever and other distressing symptoms, given over by my physicians, and
without the least expectation on my own part of re-
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254 A TALE OF
covery, I was severely attacked with the gout, from which I had been free for eighteen
months, and this new disorder drove away all others; the fever disappeared, my appetite
returned, and I have continued ever since in tolerable health, though very feeble, finding
it difficult to use my limbs and walking with great pain.
Your sister Elizabeth, all this time, has given me constant proofs of
her tenderness and affection. She has never caused me the least pain except by her tears,
which she has not at all times been able to restrain, and I have had some very anxious
moments, fearing lest she should destroy her own health by her unceasing attention to me.
She has taken bad colds occasionally, but God in his infinite mercy has preserved her to
me, and I thank him for this very great consolation. I recommend this dear daughter most
especially to your care and protection; you must remember, my dear children, that she is
the one who has smoothed the downward path of life for her parents, and she has performed
those tender offices which you all owed to them, but which your absence precluded you from
performing.
I had written to John and Moses to tell them I would send these memoirs
to them, that they might make a copy for their own use, before this was sent to Virginia.
They answered, that they would much
THE HUGUENOTS.
255
prefer retaining the copy written with my own hand, and sending that which they would
write to Virginia, and this very natural wish of theirs has induced me to make this second
copy.
God having prolonged my life and given me leisure, I have felt it my
duty to do it, myself as well to gratify them as to save them trouble, and prevent their
being taken from their profitable employments to write it, and I am sure those in Virginia
will value this the more for being in my own hand-writing. I have copied it word for word
from the other, and have finished it this 21st day of June, 1722, therefore, if by any
accident one copy should be lost, the other may be referred to.
I feel the strongest conviction that if you will take care of these
memoirs, your descendants will read them with pleasure, and I here declare that I have
been most particular as to the truth of all that is herein recorded.
I hope God will bless the work, and that by his grace it may be a bond
of union amongst you and your descendants, and that it may be a humble means of confirming
you all in the fear of the Lord.
If our Heavenly Father, whose blessing I have implored, should
vouchsafe to make use of it as an instrument for the advancement of His Glory, and your
256 A TALE OF
eternal welfare, I shall think myself more than recompensed for all my trouble.
I am, my dear children,
Your tender Father,
JAMES FONTAINE.
APPENDIX.
(Extract from a letter of the Rev. James Maury of Virginia, to Mr. John Fontaine, South
Wales, Great Britain.)
December 31, 1765.
But what hath given a most general alarm to all the colonists upon this continent, and
most of those in the islands, and struck us with the most universal consternation that
ever seized a people so widely diffused, is a late Act of the British Parliament,
subjecting us to a heavy tax by the imposition of stamp duties on all manner of papers
requisite in trade, law or private dealings, on pamphlets, newspapers, almanacks,
calenders, and even advertisements, &c. &c.; and ordaining, that the causes of
delinquents against the Act, wheresoever such delinquents may reside, shall be cognizable
and finally determinable by any court of admiralty upon the continent, to which either
plaintiff or defendant shall think proper to appeal from the sentence either of the
inferior courts of justice or the supreme. The execution of this Act was to have commenced
on the
258 APPENDIX
first of the last month all over British America; but hath been, with an unprecedented
unanimity, opposed and prevented by every province on the continent, and by all the
islands, whence we have had any advices since that date. For this 'tis probable some may
brand us with the odious name of rebels; and others may applaud us for that generous love
of liberty, which we inherit from our glorious forefathers; while some few may prudently
suspend their judgment, till they shall have heard what may be said on either side of the
question. If the Parliament indeed have a right to impose taxes on the colonies, we are as
absolute slaves as any in Asia, and consequently in a state of rebellion. If they have no
such right, we are acting the noble and virtuous part, which every freeman and community
of freemen hath a right, and is in duty bound to act. For my own part, I am not acquainted
with all that may be said on the one part or the other, and therefore am in some sort
obliged to suspend my judgment. But no arguments that have yet come in my way, have
convinced me that the Parliament hath any such right. The advocates for the Act, I
observe, have alleged both precedents and arguments in support of the Parliament's right
of taxation over the colonies. The precedents alleged are two Acts of Parliament; one
establishing a post-office in Amer-
APPENDIX 259
ica; the other, making some regulations with regard to the British troops sent hither in
the late war; which are so very dissimilar from what they have been alleged to support,
and therefore so foreign from the point; that, instead of producing conviction, they
really excite laughter. And of the arguments which I have seen urged in behalf of this,
till now, unheard of claim, the chief seems to be but a bare ipse dixit, an
unsupported assertion, that we, as British subjects, are virtually represented in the
British Parliament, and consequently, obliged by all its acts. But, how some
millions of people here (not a man of whom can, in consequence of his property here,
either give a vote for sending a member to, or himself obtain a seat in, your House of
Commons) can, in any sense, be said to be represented by that House, is utterly
incomprehensible to an American understanding, or to any European understanding, I have
yet met with, which hath breathed American air. That we are subject to the jurisdiction of
Parliament in matters of government, that are of a nature purely external; subject too to
such of its statues as are of a date prior to the first migration of our ancestors hither
and to the first foundation of our government, is what seems to be generally granted
amongst those I have conversed with. But taxation is an act of government, purely
internal, in
260 APPENDIX.
which (allowing us to be freemen) we conceive a British House of Commons and a Parliament
of Paris have an equal right to intermeddle. We flatter ourselves with a notion that
though we be subjects to Great Britain, and, we hope, as loyal as any others (and perhaps
not less useful) we yet are freemen. All our charters declare (which we are not conscious
of having ever forfeited) that all British subjects, dwelling and their children born
here, shall have and enjoy all liberties, franchises, and immunities, to aIl intents and
purposes, as if they had been abiding and born within the realm of England. And if
these charters have not been legally forfeited, as we trust they have not, are we not
entitled to all the rights and liberties of Britons? If we be, we cannot, one would think,
consistently with the principles of the British government, as ascertained in Magna
Charta, be taxable without our own consent. We also conceive that the consent of no
freeholder in America hath been given, or can possibly be given, in any constitutional
mode, either personally or vicariously to the Act in question, or to any other Act of
taxation; because not a man of us, as possessor of American property, can, as was before
observed, vote for a member, or himself become a member, in that august house, whence all
money bills, as far as their jurisdiction extends, must take their rise. We more-
APPENDIX.
261
over consider ourselves, if you will allow me the expression for want of a better, as a peculium
of the crown. By charters from the crown that company was incorporated, which first
planted us. By the crown were those charters afterwards revoked. By the crown too, we are
told, all the grants of liberties, all the charters, which had passed from, the company
during its existence, to the colony, were, upon the revocation of the company's charters
and its dissolution, confirmed and ratified to us. Under the immediate protection,
direction, and government of the crown have we been from that time to this. In short,
thenceforward all the Acts of our Legislature; either have, or constitutionally ought to
have, been transmitted to Great Britain and subjected to the royal judgment, either to be
disallowed, or ratified, and confirmed by the ultimate sanction of the royal assent,
previously to their having the force and validity of laws, without any parliamentary
interposition in any manner or respect whatever. So that the king, not as a branch of the
British Legislature, but as a sovereign lord and absolute proprietor of the colony, in
conjunction with his commissioner the governor, his council of state and the people's
representatives here, we suppose, form that aggregate Legislature, to the Acts of which
alone, in all articles of internal government (of which taxation is a
262
APPENDIX.
most important one) we owe obedience. To such alone, and to no other, have we paid
obedience quite from our first establishment to this present day. And to such alone, in
all such articles, particularly that of taxes, if I mistake not the sentiments of my
countrymen, will they ever be disposed or prevailed on to pay obedience by any other
argument than what some have called the ultima ratio regum: which may, for aught
I know, be as convincing in matters of policy, as fire and faggot have been in those of
religion. Besides all this, whenever the colony hath laboured under any grievance, which
the branches of the Legislature here resident, could not redress; or hath found it
necessary to crave any indulgence or enlargement of privileges and immunities; their
application has been always made to the king. And it doth not appear to me, that ever they
have made any application to Parliament, since king James the first took them out of the
company's hands in 1624, on any occasion whatever, except once or twice, when it was
apprehended some bills, depending in Parliament, would pass into Acts, which would be
prejudicial to, their trade abroad, till they remonstrated against this Stamp Act. And
indeed they have had very little encouragement to do so again, if what their agent hath
told them be true; that their remonstrances against that bill
APPENDIX. 263
(though as modest as could be expected from men, not sunk into the most abject slavery)
were not so much as permitted to be heard. Such hath been the form of government, under
which we have lived from the year 1621, when our government was thoroughly established by
charter from the company, to this present date. This we think a succession of years,
sufficient to establish that argument in support of our rights, had we no other, which is
called prescription. For, during this whole period, no archives, records, or histories,
that any here are acquainted with, or that any with you have cited, as far as I know,
show, that ever the British Parliament attempted to tax us, or intermeddle in any matters,
relative to our interior government, till the date of this unhappy Stamp Act. All these
rather prove the contrary. Nay it appears, that some Acts, even under an arbitrary
Stewartine reign sent over hither with Lord Culpepper, when he came as Governor, were, by
his Lordship's instructions, previously to their execution, to be subjected to the
consideration of our General Assembly, in order to obtain their consent. It further
appears that they were so subjected and consented to by the Assembly, after the addition
of two provisoes to one of them. In a word, it is indisputable, that, whenever the kings
of Great Britain have wanted any aids either of men
264 APPENDIX.
or money from this colony, the method of obtaining them hath been by letters requisitory,
in the royal name, from a Secretary of State to the Governors, by whom those letters have
been laid before the Assembly, who have levied the aids asked in such mode and by such
ways and means, as they thought most effectual and least oppressive, of which they surely
are the best judges. From all which premises the people of Virginia conclude, the
Parliament hath no right to tax them. But, if they had, it is as steadfastly
believed by most men here, as any article of their creed, that they have no right to
deprive us of the inestimable privilege of being tried by juries. This unconstitutional
stretch of authority they are certain it is not their duty to obey. The transition from
subjecting us to be tried by courts of admirality in civil matters to military government
is so very easy, that the thoughts of it reduce us almost to despair. For these
reasons, amongst many others, the people of this colony would not allow the stamped papers
to be distributed, and forced the stamp master to resign immediately on his arrival. These
reasons convince them, that the moment they acquiesce under the Stamp Act they commence
slaves. And the blood of their generous ancestors which flows in their veins, or some
other cause, seems to have given them such an instinctive abhorrence of
APPENDIX. 265
slavery, that, were we to judge from appearances they think any evil whatever more
elegible than that. How the affair will end, God only knows! May his wise
Providence prevent those tragedies, which my very heart even bleeds at the thoughts
of! But, put the case (which is the most favourable supposition that can be put)
that the colonies at last submit to the galling yoke, every friend to Great Britain must
even there find cause to detest and execrate the Act. For the execution of it or of
any other Act of Taxation will affect her in the tenderest points, her manufactures,
trade, and naval power. The colonies were poor before the war. They are much more so
since. Additional taxes must increase their poverty. The poorer they are, the less
of your manufactures can they pay for and consume. The less demand there is for those
manufactures, the more of your manufaturers must want bread. When we can no longer pay for
your manufactures, we cannot go naked. Necessity will set us upon improving the
natural advantanges of our soil and climate, and manufacturing the products of it, flax,
hemp, wool and cotton, which are to be had here in great plenty as well as
perfection. Besides, it is said, some eminent merchants in London have computed,
that one third, others one fourth, of your exports are brought to the colonies; and have
observed that those exports have greatly
23
266 APPENDIX.
diminished since this Act hath been on the carpet. How just that computation or remark may
be, I do not know. But this I know, that the orders for goods from Great Britain have
greatly decreased, wherever I am acquainted, as well as the consumption of them, within
these few months; that the number of wheels, looms &c. have increased to an amazing
degree, and that only at one meeting in a neighbouring colony upwards of two hundred
merchant are said to have bound themselves under most solemn engagements not to order any
goods from Great Britain till that Act should be repealed. In short, necessity will force
every man of us to employ his own labour and that of his slaves so as may best supply his
needs; from which, I believe nothing but some dragoons at each manta door will prevent us.
More need not be said to prove this detestable Act productive of the most direful
mischief, not only to the children, but to the mother island. For my own part, whatever
the event may be, I comfort myself with the reflection, that every thing here below is
subject to the control of irresistible power, directed by unerring wisdom and infinite
goodness. &c. &c.